It’s been over half a century that we lost our Eastern wing. The cataclysmic event has since been debated ad infinitum – often drawing parallels with the situations obtaining here at the time. Lately, due to developments within, this comparison has assumed more relevance. Indeed, no two cases were exactly the same. Geographic anomaly for example, that played a significant role in separation of our Eastern wing, does not exist in the present-day Pakistan. But then physically congruous countries too have imploded. British India, for example, was one. No harm therefore to look for similarities that might seem uncomfortably close.
Disaffection of people alone was not likely to push a people away from their homeland. In East Pakistan they were not even in majority but the estrangement was serious enough for the public to celebrate parting of the ways. Ratio of alienated Baluchis must be high enough to sustain unrest for seven decades. Pashtuns are so deeply integrated into the mainstream that their breaking away would not make much sense. Their representation in all walks of national life is well above their share in population. Those who believe that the Punjabi-Pashtun nexus rules the Country do have a few points going for them. PTM is not a secessionist movement but if they are now officially a banned group, their grievances and support must have acquired grave dimensions. How much the political divide between the PTI and the Federal Government and the latest clash in D-Chowk aggravated matters, is difficult to judge. But I’m reasonably sure that some Pashtunwali-related revenge reprisals for lives lost on 26/11 (Islamabad not Mumbai) were very likely.
In those days we could count on Afghanistan providing flank protection whenever we went to war with India. Now, the Afghans wouldn’t even round up a few thousand of our people because they went over to help liberate their country
Opposition both in 1971 and now was and is labeled as treasonous and their leaders tried and jailed. Foreign hands were suspected then and now – though the onus of countering them is always on us. Regime in the Western Wing and the Army were pejoratively labeled “Punjabi”. For all the reasons that I don’t care to elaborate, the present-day Pakistan has at times been called “Punjabistan”. The economic situation was better when East Pakistan became Bangladesh. Gap between the haves and have-nots if anything has widened. Some factors are perennial – what we in the military call “rider clause” – governments remain in denial; suppress uncomfortable facts and views; have use force to quell dissent; and gloat over achievements that are too transitional to make up for the fundamental afflictions. Post 9/11, our stock market was the best performing of all – and bust like a bubble before anyone had a clue about OBL’s hideout. The economy grew at six percent or more for thirty years and took less than three to crumble like a house of cards. PIA not only flew to Europe but was amongst the world’s best three. So, the latest gimmickry would not keep it afloat. Fake news is now so much more credible than the official spokespersons, that we have to ban 'X' and many other alphabets like VPN – for the simple reason that we don’t know what else to do.
Of course, there are some other dissimilarities. The country was under army rule when it was split – now my old institution is accused of lording over a hybrid regime. In those days we could count on Afghanistan providing flank protection whenever we went to war with India. Now, the Afghans wouldn’t even round up a few thousand of our people because they went over to help liberate their country.
All of the above can be and has been, item by item, discussed, dissected, and rationalised. Indeed, everyone is entitled to one’s opinion and choose one’s own poison. But since popular perceptions can take on dynamics of their own and before we know the turmoil may be beyond repairs, someone please create a broad consensus on how to stem the rot.