The Burden Of Sanctimony

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2022-06-10T08:04:43+05:00 Yusuf Zaman
“It would have been better for an atom bomb to have been dropped on the country than to have let these ‘thieves’ to come to power!” These earth-shattering words were uttered by the honourable former prime minister in the run-up to his famed Azadi March of 25 May. Billed as an epochal show of over two million people that would sweep away the “imported government,” the march actually turned out to be a damp squib of much less than fifty thousand people, who returned home fruitless and unsuccessful, save for their unique feat of setting alight several trees and green-belts in the capital.

It is truly breathtaking for a leader with a mass following to countenance his country being devastated by a horrific weapon such as an atomic bomb. This is no light matter, and it simply cannot be swept under the carpet by suggesting that the Kaptaan was speaking in an allegorical manner. Actually, the notion of death and grievous bodily harm being inflicted upon millions of one’s compatriots, under any circumstances, is offensive, reprehensible and utterly unacceptable.

But sadly, this was not the first time that a shockingly egregious statement was made by the self-anointed national savior; and neither was it the last such occasion. Some days later, the Kaptaan predicted, with a straight face and with deep conviction, that if the “neutrals” remained neutral then this country would break into three pieces – how he arrived at this ominous figure is something he did not care to elaborate! The amazing thing is that the prediction was made without batting an eyelid and without the Kaptaan saying he hoped against hope that such a terrible event would not come to pass or without uttering the traditional prayer to the Almighty to foil such a calamitous outcome.
First, if the Kaptaan was aware that the military was obstructing the conviction of opposition politicians, did he raise the matter with them at the time? Second, if he did so, what was their response? Third, if they rejected his wish for convictions, why did he keep quiet and take things lying down, particularly being a man of indomitable courage and armed with an iron will? Fourth, if he kept quiet then and thereby breached his oath of office by knowingly allowing the judicial process to be subverted by this alleged military interference in judicial matters, why is he publicising the matter now?

A bitter truth emerges from the above two episodes: for the honourable Khan the country’s survival and salvation, leave alone its progress and prosperity, is linked solely to his own return to power and to his indefinite continuation in office, whether by hook or crook. In other words, just as Louis XIV of France uttered the pompous statement, “l’etat c’est moi” (I am the state), for the Kaptaan the equation for Pakistan is simple: Imran Khan or bust!

Clearly, Khan carries the heavy burden of sanctimony on his worthy shoulders. This means that he considers himself to be morally superior to all his political rivals, and he regularly drives home this point by distorting their names (“Showbaz” and “Fazlu”), calling them by cheap and crude titles (“cherry blossom,” “diesel,” “dakoo” and “three stooges”) and treating them with naked contempt. Since the Kaptaan is also imbued with a lofty messianic streak, it makes for a lethal combination indeed.

It is this inherent feeling of being on a higher moral plane which explains a lot about the PTI chairman’s judgment, or rather his lack of judgment. A case in point is that much flogged dead horse, accountability. During his heady three-and-a-half years in office, Khan frequently waxed eloquent about how he and the military leadership were united on all matters of pith and substance, presumably including the accountability process. Not once did Khan ever publicly suggest that the accountability process was suffering due to a lack of support by the military establishment. Rather, if ever the Kaptaan would express his frustration at the lack of convictions for corruption against the opposition leaders, his ire was directed towards the judiciary for their inherent delay in deciding such cases.

However, now that Khan has been ejected from power through a constitutional mechanism, he has belatedly seen fit to accuse the military establishment of a lack of commitment to anti-corruption. To top it off, he has charged them with shielding the opposition leaders from having had the book thrown at them by the courts during his term in office. Grave as this charge is on many counts, particularly because it impugns the credibility of the superior judiciary and the military establishment, it begs several questions.

First, if the Kaptaan was aware that the military was obstructing the conviction of opposition politicians, did he raise the matter with them at the time? Second, if he did so, what was their response? Third, if they rejected his wish for convictions, why did he keep quiet and take things lying down, particularly being a man of indomitable courage and armed with an iron will? Fourth, if he kept quiet then and thereby breached his oath of office by knowingly allowing the judicial process to be subverted by this alleged military interference in judicial matters, why is he publicising the matter now?

To any impartial observer, the above questions carry weight and they deserve an appropriate response. However, for the great man himself these questions obviously would not be worth the paper they are written on, and they would not beget any answer, leave alone a suitable one. This is because the Leader is, both for himself and for his devoted acolytes, the unquestioned exemplar of morality, honesty, self-respect and integrity; therefore, it is unthinkable that his judgment is open to question, leave alone ever to be considered faulty.

It is these wages of sanctimony which make the Kaptaan judge, jury and executioner on all issues of political morality. For example, the Khan says Shehbaz Sharif is a thief, and that settles the matter once and for all. No matter if Shehbaz Sharif has not been convicted of any charge, and irrespective of the fact that the UK National Crime Agency has exonerated him in the case investigated by it. Khan has given his moral ruling on the matter of Shehbaz’s culpability, and after that who can dare disagree with our pole star of political integrity!

Similarly, Khan says that a foreign conspiracy instigated his ouster due to his fearless defence of Pakistan’s sovereignty, independence and national interest. No matter that the evidence for this sensational charge is conspicuous only by its absence, and the National Security Committee of the federal cabinet has in its two meetings – including one meeting chaired by the Kaptaan himself - found no basis to substantiate this charge. The separate charge of interference, on the basis of the use of undiplomatic language by the State Department official, Donald Lu, has already been dealt with through the customary diplomatic remedy of a demarche. While undiplomatic language amounting to interference cannot be equated with a regime-change conspiracy, Khan continues to spread this canard and his devotees faithfully parrot the same.

Oscar Wilde once memorably said, “My philosophy? I’m always right and you are wrong.” Such an approach was fine in the world of literature for a great writer like Wilde, but it makes for a poor policy in the tarnished world of politics, which thrives on compromises, adjustments, alignments and realignments. The Kaptaan spectacularly came to grief through adherence to this philosophy. If he sticks to this course of action, he may be well advised to shun politics and instead devote himself to the charitable cause of moral reformation of our society, in order to build a truly Naya Pakistan.
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