“There must be something rotten in the very core of a social system which increases its wealth without diminishing its misery.”
(Karl Marx)
Marxists seldom write in Pakistan; as a result, we still lack a single comprehensive history of the Pakistani Left. There are only a few autobiographies by comrades such as Baba-e-Socialism Sheikh Rasheed, Saif Khalid (Lyallpur), Fatah Mohammad Malik (Toba Tek Singh), and Rauf Malik (Lahore). A biography of Hussain Naqi is also being published, recorded and compiled by Aamir Riaz. An archive of socialist books was once established at 114 Macleod Road, Lahore—the former office of the Socialist Party of Pakistan—but I’m not sure what its current status is. I often wonder why our living stalwarts of the Left, such as Amin Mughal and Prof Azizuddin, have refrained from writing their memoirs. Even our ever-resilient Bha Zafar Ali Khan (MKP) did not, to my knowledge, write his life story.
One important work on the Left in Pakistan is Kamran Asdar Ali’s Surkh Salam: Communist Politics and Class Activism in Pakistan 1947–1972, published in 2015. Now, after a long gap, we have another significant book: Rana Azam’s Ehad-e-Haazir mein Marxism ki Ma'anawiyat — Pakistan aur Teesri Duniya ke Nazariyati Mubahis.
Rana Azam was born in 1954 in Toba Tek Singh, a city sometimes called "Stalingrad" for its long-standing socialist tradition. Many comrades emerged from this soil, including Farooq Tariq, Fatah Mohammad Malik, and Rana himself. He was in 10th grade during the historic Kisan Conference of 23rd March 1970. After graduating in his hometown, he completed an LLB and worked as a lawyer in Toba Tek Singh from 1983 to 2009, eventually moving to Lahore. He now devotes his time to reading, writing, and political activism with the Awami Workers Party. He joined CR Aslam’s Socialist Party in 1975 and has remained committed to the cause ever since.
In the book’s introduction, Rana writes:
“It has been 50 years since our association with left-wing politics. Interestingly, 2025 also marks 100 years since the founding of the Communist Party in the Indian subcontinent. This book is an attempt by a leftist political activist to understand the process of fundamental social change—particularly the empowerment of the working class—in the context of the political, economic, and class structures of underdeveloped Third World countries, including Pakistan.”
The book is divided into 12 sections and 36 chapters, covering a wide range of issues: the contemporary relevance of Marxism, party-building challenges, revolutionary potential, terrorism, extremism, the Pakistani state, the Indus Valley Civilization, global communist movements, and the century-long legacy of communism in the subcontinent.
Naturally, I can’t comment on everything here, so I’ll focus on key discussions that relate most directly to our present moment.
The Pakistani Left
Chapter 14 focuses on the Pakistani Left—Rana’s true forte. He frankly acknowledges that the Left never became a powerful force in national politics. The Communist Party of India was formed in 1925 and immediately banned, only being legalized in 1942 due to the British alliance with Stalin during WWII. The Communist Party of Pakistan faced a similar fate and was banned in 1954.
Apart from party cadre, there was a big lot of independent intellectuals, professors and journalists who supported socialism but never formally joined any party. They contributed through writing and moral support
A major leftist gathering was the 1949 conference of Anjuman Taraqqi Pasand Musannifeen in Lahore, but by then, media outlets like Nawa-e-Waqt, Chataan, and Dawn had already mobilized against the Left. The communists were most organized in Punjab, and thus faced the harshest repression when the party was banned.
In the 1950s, student organizations like DSF, APSO, and NSF emerged. When the National Awami Party was founded in 1957, leftists joined forces with nationalists—but disagreements on class politics remained unresolved. By the 1970s, there were at least a dozen fractured leftist groups. Disillusioned, Rana writes:
“Until a vibrant movement emerges—whether internationally or locally—we simply have to carry on as things are. Whoever can stand firm should stand firm. Whoever loses courage or conviction is free to make their own decision. After all, politics is a voluntary act.”
National Question vs Class Question
Chapter 21 examines the tension between national and class questions. From the beginning, smaller nationalities—Baloch, Pashtuns, Sindhis—have struggled against centralized power, first in Karachi and later in Islamabad. Rana argues:
“Centralism suits the elite. Even provincial elites, while playing the victim, failed to solve the common people's problems. Class-based activists pointed this out—but even their own comrades didn’t listen.”
In discussing Punjab, he offers a brief cultural and historical sketch, invoking the Mahabharata, Ramayana, and Greek literature. He notes how ‘Subah Lahore’ once stretched from Delhi to Kabul and was central in the Mughal, Sikh, and British eras. After 1947, Punjab was divided. In southern Punjab (Multan, Bahawalpur and DG Khan), feudalism remains strong. In northern Punjab, small farming and service sectors dominate.
British infrastructure projects like canals and railways modernized Punjab but also disrupted older systems. Education was a major focus: they established key institutions like Punjab University, Government College and Aitchison College. Only one college—Egerton College—was established in South Punjab.
Language, Culture, and the Left
Rana also addresses the neglect of language and cultural politics by the Pakistani Left. Except for Ishaq Mohammad’s MKP, no socialist party has truly embraced the Punjabi language. While the Punjabi literary movement of the 1960s was largely driven by leftist intellectuals, socialist parties continued publishing in Urdu and English. Culture was seen as secondary to ‘real’ politics—writers were fillers, not central actors.
This disconnect allowed religion and fundamentalism to fill the cultural void. Perhaps reinvigorating cultural politics could help resist rigid and patriarchal ideologies.
Apart from party cadre, there was a big lot of independent intellectuals, professors and journalists who supported socialism but never formally joined any party. They contributed through writing and moral support—deserving recognition alongside party workers.
Rana’s book is a much-needed contribution, but the story of the Pakistani Left still remains to be written. As for Marxism’s relevance today, one only has to look at figures like Zohran Mamdani, the New York mayoral candidate backed by Bernie Sanders and other left-wing forces. One might wonder: how did such a figure emerge in the very heartland of capitalism?
Jean-Paul Sartre once said: As long as there is imperialism, Marx will not become irrelevant.