In the sun-scorched fields of Punjab and Sindh, where sprawling estates stretch beyond the horizon, Pakistan’s feudal lords reign supreme. These landed elites, wielding centuries-old power, dominate not just the countryside but the nation’s politics, elections, and even its courts. Representing about 75% of Pakistan’s population, Punjab and Sindh remain their strongholds, where large landowning families manipulate votes, stifle progress, and evade justice with impunity. Despite decades of promised land reforms and democratic rhetoric, the feudal grip persists, fuelled by a socio-economic system where 40% of the workforce toils in agriculture and 50% of the population is functionally illiterate. From the murder of Shahzeb Khan to the brutalization of Safia Bibi, feudal elites exploit their wealth and influence to escape accountability, choking Pakistan’s aspirations for equality and progress. In stark contrast, nations like the Netherlands show how an educated, technologically advanced workforce can revolutionize agriculture, exposing the inefficiencies of Pakistan’s feudal order and the urgent need for reform.
Pakistan’s feudal system was cemented under British colonial rule, when loyal zamindars, waderas, and sardars were granted vast estates to collect revenue and maintain order. After independence in 1947, land reform attempts under Ayub Khan (1959) and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (1970s) faltered, undermined by high acreage ceilings, exemptions, and the political clout of the very elites they targeted. Feudal lords, many of whom sat in parliament, diluted reforms to preserve their estates, ensuring that Pakistan entered the 21st century with a grossly unequal land distribution. A 2009 PILER report reveals that just 5% of agricultural households own nearly two-thirds of all farmland, with the concentration most acute in Punjab and Sindh, where estates span tens of thousands of acres. Tenants, bound by crop loans, tenancy contracts, and the ever-present threat of eviction, remain economically shackled to their landlords.
Feudal families translate their landholdings into electoral power, dominating Pakistan’s political landscape. In the 2018 general elections, candidates from large landowning families secured 88 of Punjab’s 141 National Assembly seats (62.4%). The regional breakdown is stark:
Southern Punjab (Multan, Dera Ghazi Khan, Bahawalpur): 42 of 47 seats (89.4%) went to feudal elites, reflecting near-total control in these rural heartlands.
Northern Punjab: 27 of 45 seats (60%) were won by feudal candidates, such as Ghulam Sarwar Khan (NA-52, PTI).
In Sindh’s 2024 elections, candidates backed by feudal interests captured 40 of 61 seats (65.6%)
Central Punjab: Urban centres like Lahore and Faisalabad diluted feudal sway, with 19 of 49 seats (38.8%) won by landed elites, though rural constituencies remained their domain.
In Sindh’s 2024 elections, candidates backed by feudal interests captured 40 of 61 seats (65.6%). Excluding Karachi’s 22 urban seats, 37 of 39 rural seats (94.9%) went to feudal families or their allies, underscoring their unchallenged dominance in areas of the highest agricultural dependency.
Prominent dynasties illustrate this feudal stranglehold
Qureshi Family (Multan): Shah Mehmood Qureshi, a former Foreign Minister (NA-156, 2018, PTI), blends vast landholdings with spiritual authority as a Sufi shrine custodian, securing Multan’s rural vote.
Gilani Family (Multan, Dera Ghazi Khan): Yousuf Raza Gilani, Prime Minister from 2008 to 2012, and his sons, like Abdul Qadir Gilani, dominate seats like NA-158, leveraging tenancy networks and PPP loyalty.
Bhutto-Zardari Family (Sindh): Bilawal Bhutto Zardari’s victories in 2024 (NA-194, NA-196, PPP) reflect the family’s vast estates and PPP machinery, ensuring rural dominance.
Jakhrani and Odho Families (Jacobabad): Tribal chiefs like Aijaz Hussain Jakhrani (NA-190, 2024, PPP) draw votes from their landholding status, outmuscling rivals.
Khar and Leghari Families (Muzaffargarh, Dera Ghazi Khan): Hina Rabbani Khar (NA-177, 2013, PML-N) and Awais Leghari (NA-192, 2018, PTI) switch party loyalties to maintain patronage, their estates guaranteeing electoral success.
When feudal lords dominate politics, they also control justice, often escaping accountability for heinous crimes
Shahzeb Khan Murder (2012): Shahrukh Jatoi, son of a wealthy Sindh landowner, killed 20-year-old Shahzeb Khan in Karachi over a petty dispute. Convicted and sentenced to death in 2013, Jatoi was pardoned in 2018 after his family allegedly pressured Khan’s family using their feudal influence. DAWN decried how “the rich and well-connected operate as though they are above the law,” fuelling public outrage.
Safia Bibi Rape Case (1983): In the former Northwest Frontier Province, 18-year-old blind girl Safia Bibi was raped by her landlord and his son. Charged with fornication under the Hudood Ordinance, she faced three years’ imprisonment and 15 lashes, while her assailants walked free, shielded by the landlord’s local clout and police inaction.
With 62.4% of Punjab’s and 65.6% of Sindh’s National Assembly seats in 2018 and 2024 won by landed elites, and cases like Shahzeb Khan’s murder exposing their impunity, the feudal order chokes democracy, justice, and development
Tabassum Iqbal Assault (2014): In Punjab’s Chak Bhola village, 10-year-old Tabassum Iqbal had both arms severed by a feudal landlord’s son over an electricity bill dispute. Despite media pressure forcing an FIR, the case stalled due to legal petitions and feudal lobbying, leaving the perpetrator unpunished.
Shabnam Rape Case (1978): Actress Jharna Basak (Shabnam) was gang-raped by five men, including Mohammad Farooq Bandial, a politician from a powerful Khushab family. A military court convicted them of robbery but not rape, as police, allegedly influenced by feudal power, failed to register the rape charge. General Zia-ul-Haq commuted their sentences, and the accused walked free after pressuring Shabnam’s family.
These cases expose a culture of “feudal impunity” (PILER), where wealth, land, and connections manipulate police, judges, and victims’ families, eroding trust in Pakistan’s justice system.
Feudal dominance perpetuates socio-economic deprivation
Land Concentration: PILER’s 2009 report notes that 5% of agricultural households control nearly two-thirds of farmland, with tenants on half-share terms dependent on landlords for water, seeds, and credit. This binds 40% of Pakistan’s workforce—employed in agriculture—to feudal control.
Poverty and Illiteracy: In Dera Ghazi Khan, where feudal candidates won 91% of seats in 2018, 51% of residents live below the poverty line, and only 44% of adults are literate. In Sindh’s Tharparkar, dominated by feudal clans, 87% of the population is multidimensionally poor, with just 37% literacy among those over ten. Illiteracy, exacerbated by landlords’ resistance to funding schools, keeps tenants subservient, unable to challenge authority or access independent information.
A Global Contrast: The Netherlands’ Agricultural Revolution
Pakistan’s feudal-driven agriculture lags far behind global leaders like the Netherlands, which, with a population of approximately 18.05 million in 2024—smaller than Karachi’s estimated 18.8 million—employs only about 2% of its workforce in agriculture and 1.7% in food processing, yet achieved agricultural exports valued at €128.9 billion ($136.7 billion USD) in 2024. This remarkable productivity stems from an educated, technologically advanced workforce leveraging innovations like vertical farming, robotics, and sustainable practices, making Dutch agriculture a world leader despite its small labour base. In Pakistan, feudal land concentration stifles such innovation, as lords prioritize control over modernization, trapping small farmers and tenants in low-productivity cycles.
Feudalism’s grip has far-reaching consequences
Stunted Agriculture: With 5% of households controlling two-thirds of farmland, smallholders lack access to modern inputs, irrigation, and credit, lagging behind regional peers and threatening food security.
Educational Backwardness: Nearly 50% functional illiteracy, highest in rural Punjab and Sindh, reflects landlords’ resistance to schools that might empower tenants’ children to question authority.
Democratic Deficit: Rural votes, delivered like family heirlooms, ensure parties cater to feudal interests, sidelining urban and middle-class voices.
Weak Rule of Law: A justice system bending to feudal influence fails victims like Safia Bibi and Tabassum Iqbal, fuelling distrust and unrest.
Urbanisation and industrialisation could loosen this grip. Factories offer cash wages, unions, and exposure to new ideas, reducing dependency on landlords. Yet Pakistan’s industrial growth is hampered by high costs, unreliable power, and low investment, leaving rural communities tethered to feudal estates.
Feudalism is not a relic but a living force strangling Pakistan’s progress. With 62.4% of Punjab’s and 65.6% of Sindh’s National Assembly seats in 2018 and 2024 won by landed elites, and cases like Shahzeb Khan’s murder exposing their impunity, the feudal order chokes democracy, justice, and development. The Netherlands’ high-tech agriculture highlights what Pakistan could achieve with reform. To break free, Pakistan needs bold action: comprehensive land redistribution, universal education, judicial independence, and rapid industrialization. Only by restoring sovereignty to its people—on ballots, in courtrooms, and across every field—can Pakistan move from feudal estates to a future of equal justice and shared prosperity.