Upon his return from the US on July 24, Prime Minister Imran Khan told a charged welcoming crowd of PTI activists at Islamabad airport that “I feel as if I have returned after winning the World Cup”. What, exactly, is the Herculean feat that he claims to have performed in Washington?
In a speech at the United States Institute of Peace, Mr Khan said he was “bowled over” by President Donald Trump. Unfortunately, we haven’t heard any such reciprocal sentiment from President Trump. This is the same President Trump who called ex-Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif “a terrific guy”.
The PTI government is crowing about President Trump’s offer to “mediate” the Kashmir dispute as a great initiative by PM Khan. Alas! There is no such mention in any press briefing or statement by the US State Department or White House, and New Delhi has swiftly put paid to the notion that any third-party mediation over Kashmir was ever mooted between Indian PM Narendra Modi and President Trump. Washington insiders clarify President Trump’s statement as another one of his notorious gaffes.
Mr Khan claims that he did not seek financial or security assistance from the US because he abhors “dependency”. We note only that President Trump referred to the possibility of “incentivizing” Pakistan in the distant future only if – and this is the Big IF – Pakistan were to “do more” to facilitate the US end-game in Afghanistan. True, Mr Trump held out the carrot of “trade and investment”. Curiously, however, he only talked of how US exports to Pakistan in agriculture and energy could be increased without once mentioning how Pakistani exports to the US might be facilitated in the future.
We know that Pakistan pulled out all the stops to get this appointment with President Trump. So what’s the Big Deal now that the two great leaders have met?
It appears that the sole aim of Mr Khan’s visit was to establish a “personal rapport” with President Trump and charm him to death so that the US is more sympathetic to Pakistan’s myriad internal trials and external tribulations, so that the US trusts Pakistan not to play “double games” as in the past but also understands why Pakistan cannot fully and quickly deliver Washington’s foreign policy agenda in the region in view of the “complex situation” in Afghanistan. Equally, Pakistan hopes Washington will not lean on FATF and the IMF to tighten the screws. If this mission has been accomplished, then Mr Khan can genuinely claim to have secured a great diplomatic success. But the jury is out on this critical matter.
America wants the Taliban to cease fire, start talking to President Ghani and his coalition Northern Alliance partners, agree to a power sharing formula based on a constitutional consensus, participate in the forthcoming elections and usher in peace and stability so that an agreed timetable for US troop withdrawal can be implemented. All this must be done in the next few months. If this isn’t a tall order which Islamabad is expected to furnish, we don’t know what is.
Mr Khan has informed the Americans that he intends, very soon, to meet with Taliban leaders and convince them of the need and urgency of accomplishing these goals. But he has also cautioned that there are strong vested interests, internal and regional, which do not much care for peace and stability in Afghanistan along the lines advocated by Washington and Pakistan. He has exhorted the US administration to stop these from putting a spanner in the works, an allusion to India which is cut up by its exclusion from the regional dialogues (US, China, Russia and Pakistan) taking place about the way forward in Afghanistan.
Mr Khan has also warned about the likely regional and global consequences of a US-Iran armed conflict, especially during the current window of opportunity to “sort out” Afghanistan. This is a bold and timely intervention, for which he must be praised, given President Trump’s hostile attitude towards Iran and countervailing military moves in the Persian Gulf and Straits of Hormuz.
Mr Khan admits that “mutual trust” between the US and Pakistan has been lacking in the past. He attributes this to the different national interests and narratives of each side which haven’t been squarely put on the table and reconciled honestly. He says he’s a straight talking person and hopes to bridge this gap. He holds out the assurance that he will be as good as his word because, unlike in the past, the Pakistani Military and civilian government are on “the same page” viz a pragmatic “resetting” of not just Pak-US relations but also Pak-Afghan and Pak-India relations.
In international relations, trust is built by delivering on mutual interest. The Trump administration is also in a hurry to announce a “successful” pullout from Afghanistan in election year. If Imran Khan can deliver on this external agenda no less than on his internal reform program, he will truly deserve a second World Cup trophy.
In a speech at the United States Institute of Peace, Mr Khan said he was “bowled over” by President Donald Trump. Unfortunately, we haven’t heard any such reciprocal sentiment from President Trump. This is the same President Trump who called ex-Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif “a terrific guy”.
The PTI government is crowing about President Trump’s offer to “mediate” the Kashmir dispute as a great initiative by PM Khan. Alas! There is no such mention in any press briefing or statement by the US State Department or White House, and New Delhi has swiftly put paid to the notion that any third-party mediation over Kashmir was ever mooted between Indian PM Narendra Modi and President Trump. Washington insiders clarify President Trump’s statement as another one of his notorious gaffes.
Mr Khan claims that he did not seek financial or security assistance from the US because he abhors “dependency”. We note only that President Trump referred to the possibility of “incentivizing” Pakistan in the distant future only if – and this is the Big IF – Pakistan were to “do more” to facilitate the US end-game in Afghanistan. True, Mr Trump held out the carrot of “trade and investment”. Curiously, however, he only talked of how US exports to Pakistan in agriculture and energy could be increased without once mentioning how Pakistani exports to the US might be facilitated in the future.
We know that Pakistan pulled out all the stops to get this appointment with President Trump. So what’s the Big Deal now that the two great leaders have met?
It appears that the sole aim of Mr Khan’s visit was to establish a “personal rapport” with President Trump and charm him to death so that the US is more sympathetic to Pakistan’s myriad internal trials and external tribulations, so that the US trusts Pakistan not to play “double games” as in the past but also understands why Pakistan cannot fully and quickly deliver Washington’s foreign policy agenda in the region in view of the “complex situation” in Afghanistan. Equally, Pakistan hopes Washington will not lean on FATF and the IMF to tighten the screws. If this mission has been accomplished, then Mr Khan can genuinely claim to have secured a great diplomatic success. But the jury is out on this critical matter.
America wants the Taliban to cease fire, start talking to President Ghani and his coalition Northern Alliance partners, agree to a power sharing formula based on a constitutional consensus, participate in the forthcoming elections and usher in peace and stability so that an agreed timetable for US troop withdrawal can be implemented. All this must be done in the next few months. If this isn’t a tall order which Islamabad is expected to furnish, we don’t know what is.
Mr Khan has informed the Americans that he intends, very soon, to meet with Taliban leaders and convince them of the need and urgency of accomplishing these goals. But he has also cautioned that there are strong vested interests, internal and regional, which do not much care for peace and stability in Afghanistan along the lines advocated by Washington and Pakistan. He has exhorted the US administration to stop these from putting a spanner in the works, an allusion to India which is cut up by its exclusion from the regional dialogues (US, China, Russia and Pakistan) taking place about the way forward in Afghanistan.
Mr Khan has also warned about the likely regional and global consequences of a US-Iran armed conflict, especially during the current window of opportunity to “sort out” Afghanistan. This is a bold and timely intervention, for which he must be praised, given President Trump’s hostile attitude towards Iran and countervailing military moves in the Persian Gulf and Straits of Hormuz.
Mr Khan admits that “mutual trust” between the US and Pakistan has been lacking in the past. He attributes this to the different national interests and narratives of each side which haven’t been squarely put on the table and reconciled honestly. He says he’s a straight talking person and hopes to bridge this gap. He holds out the assurance that he will be as good as his word because, unlike in the past, the Pakistani Military and civilian government are on “the same page” viz a pragmatic “resetting” of not just Pak-US relations but also Pak-Afghan and Pak-India relations.
In international relations, trust is built by delivering on mutual interest. The Trump administration is also in a hurry to announce a “successful” pullout from Afghanistan in election year. If Imran Khan can deliver on this external agenda no less than on his internal reform program, he will truly deserve a second World Cup trophy.