While the benefit for Khan lays in the symbolism of getting onboard a former dictator General Ziaul Haq’s son into his party, whose father still has support base in the army, the likely bigger beneficiary will be Ijazul Haq. If the dictator’s son has any support base in the army its more in junior officer cadre or jawans.
Haq’s decision is likely to get onlookers confused. An example is a tweet by Musharraf Zaidi, a development sector expert: “The merger is another important data point for those tracking the souring of the love affair between the ‘establishment’ and Imran Khan.”
This may not be the case as Haq’s constituents I spoke with argue that the dictator’s son does not actually think that the army echelons either favour Khan or are inclined towards him or the idea of his return to power. In fact, he has turned towards the PTI in spite of this understanding.
A merger is in the making – facilitated by Maulana Tariq Jameel, who supposedly introduced Haq with Khan, and sanctified the political marriage. People from Haroonabad are of the idea that Jameel is beholden to Haq and his rich sponsors from the area, Vital Group, that six months ago purchased a bulk of shares in Jameel’s fashion brand, MTJ, and paid the Deobandi cleric a hefty amount.
Haq made the decision possibly because he believes there are greater political dividends for someone like him in latching on to a party on popular ascendency. He is considered to be on a slippery slope of politics in Haroonabad from where he has contested elections in the past. Not many people in his area are hopeful of his success. He needs partnership with someone who could guarantee him success in elections – and these days Khan is viewed as a rising star.
Maybe Ijazul Haq considered the recent by-election victory of the PTI in NA-193, Dera Ghazi Khan, South Punjab, because people in the area say they observed instances where voters went in vehicles provided by the Pakistan Muslim League members to vote for the opponent. Women in particular, across class divide, were keen to vote for Imran Khan. Thus the dictator’s son is keen to partake in the rise of Khan.
However, this is not the only reason. A merger is in the making – facilitated by Maulana Tariq Jameel, who supposedly introduced Haq with Khan, and sanctified the political marriage. People from Haroonabad are of the idea that Jameel is beholden to Haq and his rich sponsors from the area, Vital Group, that six months ago purchased a bulk of shares in Jameel’s fashion brand, MTJ, and paid the Deobandi cleric a hefty amount. The Vital Group is also Haq’s supporter and financier, and is keen to bankroll any party that can ensure an election victory in their area and the government that supports their business interests. It is also believed that Rs1.8 billion money laundering case that Haq was nominated in by the FIA in early 2023 had some links to the business group.
The Vital Group, that is a major stakeholder in the tea business and sell soap and spices from headquarters in South Punjab, was served a notice in a tax evasion case after the PDM government came to power in 2022. This means the business group and Ijazul Haq consider the present coalition government as rivals. Khan’s victory is vital for their future interests.
Would Ijazul Haq continue with this partnership if the powers find a way to jettison the PTI leader for good? Or, if the cost of flushing away Khan becomes too high for the nation, would Haq offer his pound of flesh as sacrifice?
Imran Khan could not have possibly ignored Tariq Jameel’s advice as he is part of the PTI leader’s strategy team to deploy religion to build his support base.
Every political party in Pakistan uses religion to serve their benefit. Each party has its own version of a rich mix of politics and religion. The Pakistani bazaar, representing the trader, merchant and business community, is susceptible to a rich mix of religion with politics, and is greatly attracted to forces that provide security in uncertain situations. The PTI is not just gaining popularity but is also acquiring the capacity to rock the state boat to create instability. Ultimately, if Khan wins his way back into power, the gamble would pay off – for Vital Group, Maulana Tariq Jameel, Ijazul Haq, religious elite and predatory politicians.
Meanwhile, the GHQ views Khan and his current politics as suicidal. Despite his claims to want to talk, there is no indication that Khan and his team are ready to negotiate a compromise. The fact then is: the real power centres hold Khan’s victory analogous to greater anarchy. This then raises two questions: would Ijazul Haq continue with this partnership if the powers find a way to jettison the PTI leader for good? Or, if the cost of flushing away Khan becomes too high for the nation, would Haq offer his pound of flesh as sacrifice?