The Prevention of Violent Extremism bill that was dropped from the Senate's agenda on July 30 after fierce protest from the opposition raises more questions than it answers. Violent extremism is one of the most pressing issues facing Pakistan that has gone unaddressed for far too long. But given how the existing laws dealing with extremism remain unimplemented and are often misused, such a crucial piece of legislation must not be passed without due consultations.
First, the definition of "violent extremism" that includes – among other things – spreading "conspiracy theories", leaves it open to misuse. Posting content based on conspiracy theories on social media can be termed misinformation, but categorising this action as "violent extremism" is taking it a bit too far. In Pakistan, the word "conspiracy" is often used as a justification for clampdown on dissenting voices (and not religious extremists), which is why the wording here is questionable.
Second, banning extremist organisations, which is what the bill seems to focus on, has never worked as the bans fail to stop them from operating with impunity. This is because the bans are placed as a cosmetic measure and are never accompanied by a serious rethinking of policies that harbour such groups in the first place.
READ MORE: Senate Retreats From ‘Controversial’ Anti-Extremism Bill After Opposition
In April 2021, the then government led by Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) banned Barelvi extremist group Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) following its violent anti-France protests across the country. But the ban could only last seven months. In fact, TLP leaders had begun using their influence to get the government's decision reversed immediately after their party was banned. Despite the killing of six policemen during clashes with TLP rioters, the government unbanned the outfit after reaching an agreement with it in November that year.
What is worrying is that this policy of appeasing extremist groups despite their shenanigans has continued even during the Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM) government. Last month, the TLP called off its protest following an agreement with the government on easing restrictions on the group. Interior Minister Rana Sanullah, whose brainchild the Violent Extremism bill probably is, had then held a press conference alongside TLP's central leaders, detailing the agreement.
The state therefore needs to answer as to how it can combat extremism when it frequently capitulates to extremists at the cost of security of its citizens.
READ MORE: Pakistan’s Culture Of Compromising Sovereignty
Regardless of the political party in power, the establishment has always held onto its "strategic assets", with no regard for consequences. Banned sectarian groups Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) and Ahl-e-Sunnat Wal Jamaat (ASWJ), that openly practice hate speech against the Shia community and whose leaders are on the Fourth Schedule of the Anti-Terrorism Act, have never let this "ban" get in their way. On the first day of Muharram, leaders of these groups held a rally in Karachi. In Ramzan this year, leaders of the SSP were invited to an Iftar dinner hosted by DG Rangers Sindh Major General Azhar Waqas at the Rangers Office in Karachi.
The legal framework needed to put an end to the activities of these groups does exist, but the restrictions are never fully implemented due to the state's longstanding unwillingness to go after extremists. The state would therefore be well advised to review its own policies that have contributed to extremism taking root in the country as a first step towards countering violent extremism.
De-radicalise the police
One positive aspect of the bill is that it proposes de-radicalisation programmes, but stops short of naming the state actors that need to be de-radicalised.
Last month, the Punjab police arrested Ahmadis and harassed their families on complaints of TLP workers for performing or trying to perform the ritual sacrifice on Eid al Azha. Sacrificial animals found at Ahmadi homes were confiscated. The harassment of the Ahmadi community is enabled by the state and policemen on the ground are at the forefront of this constant intimidation of the community. Ahmadi worship places and graves are desecrated on the police’s watch, and such incidents have increased in the past few months. Who will tell these cops that the state has now decided to "counter violent extremism" and harassing a community for its faith is tantamount to promoting extremism?
To make institutions like the police unlearn extremist behaviours and policies, any de-radicalisation programmes that the government initiates must also include them.
READ MORE: Harassment Of Ahmadis On Eid-ul-Azha
Another shortcoming of the bill is that nowhere does it acknowledge civil society-led initiatives aimed at promoting interfaith harmony and tolerance, and how the government can collaborate with those working on the ground to counter extremism. A number of civil society groups, for instance, advocate for an inclusive school curriculum free of racial, ethnic and religious bias. The government should get behind these efforts and for once stand up to extremist groups that always oppose and undermine these much-needed reforms in the name of Islam.
Given Pakistan's failure to deal with the challenge of extremism despite a broad anti-terror framework and the National Action Plan, any new law introduced to counter extremism must be fully thought-through. It must be ensured that the legislation serves the purpose of eliminating extremism instead of becoming yet another pretext used by the establishment to curtail civil liberties in the country.
First, the definition of "violent extremism" that includes – among other things – spreading "conspiracy theories", leaves it open to misuse. Posting content based on conspiracy theories on social media can be termed misinformation, but categorising this action as "violent extremism" is taking it a bit too far. In Pakistan, the word "conspiracy" is often used as a justification for clampdown on dissenting voices (and not religious extremists), which is why the wording here is questionable.
Second, banning extremist organisations, which is what the bill seems to focus on, has never worked as the bans fail to stop them from operating with impunity. This is because the bans are placed as a cosmetic measure and are never accompanied by a serious rethinking of policies that harbour such groups in the first place.
What is worrying is that this policy of appeasing extremist groups despite their shenanigans has continued even during the Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM) government
READ MORE: Senate Retreats From ‘Controversial’ Anti-Extremism Bill After Opposition
In April 2021, the then government led by Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) banned Barelvi extremist group Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) following its violent anti-France protests across the country. But the ban could only last seven months. In fact, TLP leaders had begun using their influence to get the government's decision reversed immediately after their party was banned. Despite the killing of six policemen during clashes with TLP rioters, the government unbanned the outfit after reaching an agreement with it in November that year.
What is worrying is that this policy of appeasing extremist groups despite their shenanigans has continued even during the Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM) government. Last month, the TLP called off its protest following an agreement with the government on easing restrictions on the group. Interior Minister Rana Sanullah, whose brainchild the Violent Extremism bill probably is, had then held a press conference alongside TLP's central leaders, detailing the agreement.
The state therefore needs to answer as to how it can combat extremism when it frequently capitulates to extremists at the cost of security of its citizens.
READ MORE: Pakistan’s Culture Of Compromising Sovereignty
Regardless of the political party in power, the establishment has always held onto its "strategic assets", with no regard for consequences. Banned sectarian groups Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) and Ahl-e-Sunnat Wal Jamaat (ASWJ), that openly practice hate speech against the Shia community and whose leaders are on the Fourth Schedule of the Anti-Terrorism Act, have never let this "ban" get in their way. On the first day of Muharram, leaders of these groups held a rally in Karachi. In Ramzan this year, leaders of the SSP were invited to an Iftar dinner hosted by DG Rangers Sindh Major General Azhar Waqas at the Rangers Office in Karachi.
The legal framework needed to put an end to the activities of these groups does exist, but the restrictions are never fully implemented due to the state's longstanding unwillingness to go after extremists. The state would therefore be well advised to review its own policies that have contributed to extremism taking root in the country as a first step towards countering violent extremism.
De-radicalise the police
One positive aspect of the bill is that it proposes de-radicalisation programmes, but stops short of naming the state actors that need to be de-radicalised.
Who will tell these cops that the state has now decided to "counter violent extremism" and harassing a community for its faith is tantamount to promoting extremism?
Last month, the Punjab police arrested Ahmadis and harassed their families on complaints of TLP workers for performing or trying to perform the ritual sacrifice on Eid al Azha. Sacrificial animals found at Ahmadi homes were confiscated. The harassment of the Ahmadi community is enabled by the state and policemen on the ground are at the forefront of this constant intimidation of the community. Ahmadi worship places and graves are desecrated on the police’s watch, and such incidents have increased in the past few months. Who will tell these cops that the state has now decided to "counter violent extremism" and harassing a community for its faith is tantamount to promoting extremism?
To make institutions like the police unlearn extremist behaviours and policies, any de-radicalisation programmes that the government initiates must also include them.
READ MORE: Harassment Of Ahmadis On Eid-ul-Azha
Another shortcoming of the bill is that nowhere does it acknowledge civil society-led initiatives aimed at promoting interfaith harmony and tolerance, and how the government can collaborate with those working on the ground to counter extremism. A number of civil society groups, for instance, advocate for an inclusive school curriculum free of racial, ethnic and religious bias. The government should get behind these efforts and for once stand up to extremist groups that always oppose and undermine these much-needed reforms in the name of Islam.
Given Pakistan's failure to deal with the challenge of extremism despite a broad anti-terror framework and the National Action Plan, any new law introduced to counter extremism must be fully thought-through. It must be ensured that the legislation serves the purpose of eliminating extremism instead of becoming yet another pretext used by the establishment to curtail civil liberties in the country.