When Durrani met Dulat

The Spy Chronicles: RAW, ISI and the Illusion of Peace, a book authored by AS Dulat, Asad Durrani and Aditya Sinha, is an explosive addition to news from India and Pakistan.

Durrani is a former chief of Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and Military Intelligence (MI). Dulat has headed India's Research and Analysis Wing, their equivalent of the ISI. The book was launched in Delhi on May 23 with former vice president Hamid Ansari, former prime minister Manmohan Singh, former foreign minister Yashwant Sinha and former national security adviser Shiv Shankar Menon in attendance.

This book may serve as an ice-breaker of sorts between the two bitter neighbours. It is an unprecedented project, especially because spy agencies are supposed to find ways and means to "damage each other."

The book is proving to be extraordinary because for the first time, Pakistan Army is taking action against one of its former ISI chiefs by putting him on the Exit Control List (ECL) and ordering an inquiry.

The book is an interesting read but not much of a thriller as there are no explosives in it. Everything discussed is already in the public domain

"Lt Gen Asad Durrani…will be asked to explain his position on views attributed to him in book Spy Chronicles. The attribution is being taken as violation of Military Code of Conduct, applicable on all serving and retired military personnel," said Inter-Services Public Relation (ISPR) Director Major General Asif Gafoor.

This is an interesting turn of events, especially since Pakistan Army has a history of protecting its men, both in service and retired. Former Pakistan president Parvez Musharraf's case is an example, even though he was not liked by majority of the people after his ouster.

The trigger could be former prime minister Nawaz Sharief's reaction to the book, since he recently made a statement on Mumbai attacks that apparently made India's case against Pakistan stronger. He wanted Durrani to be handled in the same manner he was, for presenting Pakistan in a poor light particularly on Osama Bin Laden, Mumbai attacks, Kashmir and other issues. This pressure mounted by Sharif, and by many people through social media, worked and Durrani was summoned and his name was placed on the ECL.

We do not know where the inquiry will stop and when, but the book has made enough noise without people even reading it that it has become a 'bridge' thanks to the former spy masters of India and Pakistan.

I have known Durrani for many years and I have found him to be a thinking general, full of knowledge, argument and logic. He is forthright and does not mince words. Obviously his plain-speaking will not go well with many who call efforts a waste.

The book is an excellent read and is in an unusual format. Journalist Aditya Sinha has moderated the discussions between the former spymasters. This journalist has covered Kashmir extensively and edited a national daily Daily News and Analysis (DNA). His style of prodding is also interesting and so are the locations - from Istanbul to Bangkok to Kathmandu. The accounts narrated by Dulat and Durrani are an insight into India-Pakistan relations and offer a look into critical moments and possible areas of cooperation.

Most of the book's contents are already in the public domain and, as Durrani himself says, the book does not reveal any secrets. On the contrary, both spymasters defended their agencies and state policies well, notwithstanding the fact that they were frank when speaking about many things.

For example, on the American raid in Abbottabad to capture Osama Bin Laden, Durrani says that it could not have been possible without Pakistan's cooperation. Investigative journalist Seymour Harsh had said as much before and this has been brought to light through other channels as well.

On the Mumbai attacks, Durrani is noncommittal and does not blame the ISI the way Nawaz Sharif does. He mentions that in 2013, the two spymasters had published a joint paper on Pakistan-India relations in the context of Kashmir titled Kashmir: Confrontation to Cooperation. "The paper did not receive any adverse reaction from the military establishment, even though it also dealt with some contentious themes," he notes in the book.

What is interesting is that Durrani does not take a hard line on Kashmir and almost echoes what Dulat says. This surely is going against the stated position of Pakistan, which has become harder in the last few years, due to Prime Minister Narendra Modi's heavy-handed policy on Kashmir.

Swimming through the narrative that only cooperation between India and Pakistan can create an atmosphere of reconciliation and eventually a solution is in a way to pluck out Kashmiris as a stake holder.

Yet Durrani is candid in admitting that Pakistan did not take the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front chief Amanullah Khan, whose idea of an independent Jammu and Kashmir had an overwhelming support, seriously. He also talks about the Hurriyat experiment as a good idea but does not say that Pakistan floated it.

In contrast, Dulat advocates a triangular engagement between India-Pakistan, Kashmir-Pakistan, and India-Kashmir, though he does not miss the opportunity to say that, "Kashmir is ours and Kashmiris are ours."

Dulat's route, as he had envisaged in his first book, Kashmir - My Vajpayee Years, is to recognise that Kashmiris need to be brought to the table but the ultimate solution revolves round a four-point formula. He does not want to bury Kashmiris, but certainly is not against buying them.

While the authors are from both India and Pakistan, the book is more focused on Pakistan. It puts a lot of emphasis on Pakistan in relation to Afghanistan, United States - Trump in particular - Russia, China, Putin, Nawaz Sharif, Benazir Bhutto and much more.

Durrani is very critical of the US and Afghan President Ashraf Ghani, who, according to him, is not the one grounded in Afghanistan. He is against American mediation on Kashmir, saying that they would favour India.

On Afghanistan, he says that America does not want a peaceful exit. "In the New Great Game, America loses if there's peace."

Dulat also concedes that the key to dialogue in Afghanistan is Pakistan. "Why have we been squabbling in Afghanistan? Why are we not cooperating?" he asks, questioning Delhi's policy.

The book ends with the idea of cooperation which they believe should include intelligence as well.

On the Indian side, National Security Advisor Ajit Doval, considered a confidante of Prime Minister Modi, is weighing on both minds and this is why Dulat suggests that Pakistan should invite him to Lahore, which according to him will be a turning point. Whether he is a spoiler or a game-changer, that is not clear but both agree that elections will keep the relations hostage. Dulat, in the end, gives a 16-point agenda of forging structures while Durrani has 10 points. Kashmir also features there but in relation to confidence building measures and not for the final solution.

The book is an interesting read but not much of a thriller as there are no explosives in it.

Aditya has weaved in a lucid, unadulterated format that makes it a good read. It is juicy, engaging and informative. It also serves as a chronicler of important highs and lows in relations of the two countries. Controversy aside, the book may inspires others to follow suit but it owes its existence to the chemistry between the two veterans.