There is a rumor that while the PPP has insisted on its inclusion in the Punjab cabinet, it has urged the early introduction of a local government system in the PML-N-run province. If implemented in the spirit of the Constitution as per Article 140-A, this move will not only empower South Punjab, but also restore the credibility of the dynastic parties, which they have lost by failing to deliver on the promise of bifurcating Punjab.
In the 1990s, national-level parties relied not only on the backing of the establishment, but also on ideological groups that would not only vote themselves, but also persuade the public at the street level, where due to opposition to the local government system, they were not present. Financial matters were as bleak as they are today, so the opposition relied heavily on narrative. The PML-N leaned towards the right-wing, while the PPP reached out to nationalists.
To establish its foothold in South Punjab, the PPP extended its patronage to the nationalists, creating an anti-Nawaz narrative. This was during my college days. Thanks to Shehzad Irfan, I met prominent nationalists and was surprised as to why nationalism was associated with the PPP. The driving force behind the movement was intellectuals from Taunsa (dubbed as the small Greece). Professor Mahmood Nizami used to say, "the PPP is a party that can give the Saraikis their province. If you want to achieve it, you must vote for the PPP."
In the 1990s, national-level parties relied not only on the backing of the establishment, but also on ideological groups that would not only vote themselves, but also persuade the public at the street level, where due to opposition to the local government system, they were not present.
During its first tenure, the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) appeased the movement for the restoration of the provincial status of Bahawalpur with a nationalist brush-off: "What will you do with a province that is just one division? Make a bigger demand,” Bhutto asked the leadership of the movement for the restoration of Bahawalpur province. The intellectuals and politicians of Bahawalpur have not forgotten this wound. Politically, Bahawalpur had first allied with Fatima Jinnah's Muslim League and later with the Awami League. During Zia's regime, the spark of nationalism simmered among educators in the Thal and Damaan regions, turning into a volcano in the 1990s.
By then, the contours of a new nation had become somewhat clear, and the province was no longer just an idea but a viable plan. Arguments like "Divide Punjab to bring balance to the federation; no single province should be able to dominate the whole country" were given with promises that the PPP would form a government in Punjab one day and create a new province the next. During this period, Bahawalpur remained an ally of the PML-N.
A new turn in PPP politics came with the 2006 Charter of Democracy under American patronage. The same party secured the National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO) from Musharraf for the entire political leadership and bureaucracy. Benazir Bhutto returned from self-imposed exile, and her self-proclaimed brother Nawaz Sharif also quietly came back. Bhutto stipulated that the 2008 elections be held under military supervision, with the PPP coming first and the PML-N second. After her assassination, the party's affairs fell into the hands of her husband, Asif Ali Zardari, but the reconciliation with the PML-N continued. This reconciliation extended through the 18th Amendment to include religious and nationalist parties, earning Zardari the title of "King of Reconciliation" for bringing adversaries together. The religious essence of the constitution was preserved, and by giving provinces ethnic names and autonomy, the four-nation theory was strengthened.
Neither in South Punjab, nor in Sindh was there a serious attempt to end the anti-Nawaz narrative. A parallel thought was nurtured: "there's no real peace, just a facade. Wait and see how Nawaz Sharif gets ousted at the right time." All the funds from the reconciliation went to Multan, and the promise to farmers to waive off bank loans was not fulfilled.
The détente between PPP and PML-N has left Southern Punjab high and dry, with both parties failing to address the region's demand for a separate province. Campaign promises remain unfulfilled, leading to neglect and marginalization.
Nawab Salahuddin Abbasi was aggrieved that Benazir's promise to restore Bahawalpur province, which had garnered PPP's support from Bahawalpur for the first time, was not honoured. In the last days of its rule, PPP managed to pass a resolution for the Saraiki province in the National Assembly, while the PML-N had the Punjab Assembly pass a resolution to divide Punjab into three provinces. In a hasty move, PPP got the Bahawalpur-South Punjab (BJP) province bill approved by the Senate. The crux of this matter, which impacted the region's politics and continues to do so, was that while PPP didn't deliver the province, it abandoned the concept of Saraiki identity. In the 2013 elections, PPP's focus shifted to Sindh, and it dismantled its base in South Punjab. Nationalists splintered, and PML-N triumphed, claiming South Punjab.
In the 2013 elections, the coalition government of the Charter of Democracy parties, led by the Awami National Party, was toppled by Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI). Finding its footing, PTI went on to make significant inroads in South Punjab and Bahawalpur in the next elections, reaching the federal level. For the second time in history, Bahawalpur and South Punjab played a crucial role in Pakistan's political transformation.
Although PTI couldn't establish a local government system, it did create the South Punjab Secretariat, considered the first step towards forming provinces. The circumstances under which the 2024 elections were held are well known. Neither PML-N nor PPP made any promises regarding South Punjab or Bahawalpur and still won the elections. Representatives from Bahawalpur, geographically part of Thar, and South Punjab lamented in their budget speeches that the new government has crippled the South Punjab Secretariat, and the limited powers granted have been reverted to Lahore.
The détente between PPP and PML-N has left Southern Punjab high and dry, with both parties failing to address the region's demand for a separate province. Campaign promises remain unfulfilled, leading to neglect and marginalization. Using Southern Punjab as a political bargaining chip has fostered a sense of betrayal among residents. As major parties continue their power plays, the region's aspirations for autonomy and development remain unmet. While a constitutionally mandated third-tier government is no substitute for new provinces, it would be a significant step toward empowering neglected regions in Punjab and Sindh.