Perhaps for the first time in the political history of Pakistan, not only are the Constitution and Supreme Court under attack, but democratic space is shrinking with every passing day - during the tenure of a so-called civilian regime. When one talks about the shrinking of democratic space in the country, it means three things. First, large scale arrests and violence unleashed by the state against political opponents. Second, political parties and their leadership are prevented from playing a role in the political process and finally media, both print and electronic, is silenced by state actors to stifle the broadcast of stories which are deemed objectionable and reprehensible.
The first half of 2023 will be remembered in the annals of Pakistan’s history as the darkest period in terms of the unleashing of undemocratic forces. It all began when the Constitution was severely violated by the coalition government when it refused to implement the order of the Supreme Court to hold elections for the Punjab Assembly by May 14. The Federal Ministries of Finance, Interior and Defense refused to assist the Election Commission in holding such elections on security and financial grounds. May 14 has long passed, and the Supreme Court order has not been implemented yet. When the coalition government, out of an abundance of insecurity and fear, refused to comply with the orders of the Supreme Court because the PTI may sweep the elections for the Punjab Assembly, it became obvious that not only the Constitution, but democracy itself were also under attack.
When those wielding real power stood behind the coalition government to cut Imran Khan and PTI down to size, the die was cast. In the battle of survival, neither the military establishment, nor the coalition government or the PTI realized the damage being done to the country’s economy and reputation abroad. New benchmarks were set in the violation of the Constitution and curbs on the freedom of the media. Never before in the history of Pakistan Media Regulatory Authority (PEMRA) have bans been imposed on TV channels for giving news coverage to Imran Khan. The formal instructions are that the PTI Chairman’s name should not even appear on the air. Countless cases of intimidation, harassment and repression by the state against PTI leaders and supporters reflect how the tide of fascism has strengthened in Pakistan.
It has never happened in Pakistan’s political history that more than 30 leaders of a political party hold press conferences, all within a span of two weeks, announcing their retirement from politics, and resignation from PTI membership and positions. The manner in which there was consistency in such press conferences depicted how much pressure the state exerted on PTI leaders to leave the party as the only escape from state intimidation and repression.
There is no point in debating what happened on May 9, and who was responsible for such unfortunate events, but what is needed is an objective analysis about the shrinking space for democracy in Pakistan today. Will Pakistan be plunged into another phase of civilian dictatorship if beleaguered democracy in this country has any chance of surviving? Why are human rights organizations, including feminist groups, not vocal in expressing their resentment against the massive violation of human rights ongoing since May 9? Will international pressure prevail over the ongoing crackdown against PTI, and those who matter are compelled to announce free and fair elections under a strictly neutral caretaker setup?
Pakistan is certainly passing through a very difficult phase of its recent history because of political polarization, and a compound economic, constitutional, judicial and governance crisis. The coalition government, because of the high handedness of security agencies, is bewildered over how to carry the baggage of the crackdown against PTI. By siding with unconstitutional acts, serious human rights violations against PTI leaders and workers, along with curbs on the media, the coalition government will have to reap the harvest of what it is allowing to be sowed under its watch. Allegations of injustices carried out by the PTI government against its opponents cannot be justified, because two wrongs cannot make a right. The level of repression against PTI is unprecedented however, because more than 10,000 of its workers and leaders are still in jail; an informal ban has been imposed on Imran Khan and PTI in the media and heavy pressure is being exerted on PTI leaders to leave the party. The trial of Imran Khan and other PTI leaders in military courts over the events of May 9 will be the last nail in coffin of Pakistan’s blinkered democracy. Such things have not happened against political opponents when the PTI was in power for around four years.
If fear and insecurity over the popularity of PTI is the primary cause for not holding elections in Punjab on May 14 as ordered by the Supreme Court and the unprecedented crackdown against the party, the PDM coalition must be ready to face the wrath of voters in the general elections, whenever these may be held. Documented evidences of state repression against workers and leaders of PTI will further expose the coalition government that they went too far with the security establishment to crush their political opponents.
The shrinking space for democracy in Pakistan needs to be examined in three ways. First, Pakistan was never a democratic state in a classical sense, but like many postcolonial countries, it has grappled with challenges and threats from the military and bureaucracy since its inception. By not accepting the verdict of the people of East Pakistan in the December 1970 general elections, the powers that be presided over the disintegration of Pakistan and the emergence of Bangladesh. Even in the post-1971 era, non-political forces representing the deep state managed to overthrow elected regimes in 1977 and 1999. With a feudal mindset, and having meager intellectual standing, political parties and their leaders are unable to establish democratic practices within their rank and file. When the culture of Pakistan is authoritarian, with marginal analytical skills and abysmal levels of critical thinking, how can the country be expected to develop democratic space organically? Corruption, nepotism, hypocrisy, deceit, lies and political opportunism form the core of the culture of Pakistan, which in the last 75 years, has largely remained the same.
Secondly, no political party in Pakistan can claim to have been formed without the support and patronage of the security establishment. The age-old tendency in Pakistan’s politics that political parties are created, divided and broken for power ambitions cannot be denied. The present crisis that the PTI is experiencing reflects a bitter truth - that the security establishment had patronized those holding positions in the rank and file. The PTI, which was termed a pro-establishment party that was close to the generals, felt the wrath of the state when it began to challenge the men in uniform and accused them directly of destabilizing the regime of Imran Khan, being involved in the assassination attempt on him and collaborating with the PDM coalition in preventing the party from returning to power.
If all state institutions, except perhaps for the superior judiciary, is against the PTI, it means a faction within the military establishment wouldn’t like to see Imran Khan return to power. When the coalition government was so confident in preventing the holding of Punjab Assembly elections on May 14, it was not possible without the support of those who wield the real power in Pakistan’s politics. Drawing a parallel between Imran Khan, Sheikh Mujibur Rehman and Altaf Hussain may not be entirely true, but it is Khan who has effectively challenged the writ of the generals.
The surge of a trust deficit between Imran Khan and the commanding generals is a reality and after the events of May 9, reversing their antagonism may not be easy. On this collision course, one side will have to relegate, and it seems that despite the determination and fighting spirit of Khan, he may not prevail over the heavy handedness of the establishment. Third, in the prevailing conflict between PTI and the military establishment, the role of Punjab, the most privileged and populated province of Pakistan, in terms of its share in the military, bureaucracy and other centers of power, is crucial. For the first time in the history of Pakistan, Punjab, which has always been pro-military owing to a 75% representation in the officer and non-officer cadre, is sharply divided. The PML-N tried to challenge the military’s hold over power, but abandoned its principled stance due to sheer political opportunism. As far as the PPP is concerned, it has a history of resisting the military’s interference but reconciled with the fact that it cannot confront the establishment head on. That leaves only PTI, which despite a heavy state crackdown, is still highly popular among Punjab’s urban classes in particular.
Divisions within Punjab over support for the military establishment will have far reaching ramifications for Pakistan’s politics. Smaller provinces like Balochistan and Sindh, which have a history of challenging the abuse of power by the powerful establishment are bewildered to see Punjab’s defiance. Whether Punjab’s challenge to the military’s dominance in politics will help to widen democratic space in Pakistan is yet to be seen.
When those wielding real power stood behind the coalition government to cut Imran Khan and PTI down to size, the die was cast.
The first half of 2023 will be remembered in the annals of Pakistan’s history as the darkest period in terms of the unleashing of undemocratic forces. It all began when the Constitution was severely violated by the coalition government when it refused to implement the order of the Supreme Court to hold elections for the Punjab Assembly by May 14. The Federal Ministries of Finance, Interior and Defense refused to assist the Election Commission in holding such elections on security and financial grounds. May 14 has long passed, and the Supreme Court order has not been implemented yet. When the coalition government, out of an abundance of insecurity and fear, refused to comply with the orders of the Supreme Court because the PTI may sweep the elections for the Punjab Assembly, it became obvious that not only the Constitution, but democracy itself were also under attack.
When those wielding real power stood behind the coalition government to cut Imran Khan and PTI down to size, the die was cast. In the battle of survival, neither the military establishment, nor the coalition government or the PTI realized the damage being done to the country’s economy and reputation abroad. New benchmarks were set in the violation of the Constitution and curbs on the freedom of the media. Never before in the history of Pakistan Media Regulatory Authority (PEMRA) have bans been imposed on TV channels for giving news coverage to Imran Khan. The formal instructions are that the PTI Chairman’s name should not even appear on the air. Countless cases of intimidation, harassment and repression by the state against PTI leaders and supporters reflect how the tide of fascism has strengthened in Pakistan.
By siding with unconstitutional acts, serious human rights violations against PTI leaders and workers, along with curbs on the media, the coalition government will have to reap the harvest of what it is allowing to be sowed under its watch.
It has never happened in Pakistan’s political history that more than 30 leaders of a political party hold press conferences, all within a span of two weeks, announcing their retirement from politics, and resignation from PTI membership and positions. The manner in which there was consistency in such press conferences depicted how much pressure the state exerted on PTI leaders to leave the party as the only escape from state intimidation and repression.
There is no point in debating what happened on May 9, and who was responsible for such unfortunate events, but what is needed is an objective analysis about the shrinking space for democracy in Pakistan today. Will Pakistan be plunged into another phase of civilian dictatorship if beleaguered democracy in this country has any chance of surviving? Why are human rights organizations, including feminist groups, not vocal in expressing their resentment against the massive violation of human rights ongoing since May 9? Will international pressure prevail over the ongoing crackdown against PTI, and those who matter are compelled to announce free and fair elections under a strictly neutral caretaker setup?
Pakistan is certainly passing through a very difficult phase of its recent history because of political polarization, and a compound economic, constitutional, judicial and governance crisis. The coalition government, because of the high handedness of security agencies, is bewildered over how to carry the baggage of the crackdown against PTI. By siding with unconstitutional acts, serious human rights violations against PTI leaders and workers, along with curbs on the media, the coalition government will have to reap the harvest of what it is allowing to be sowed under its watch. Allegations of injustices carried out by the PTI government against its opponents cannot be justified, because two wrongs cannot make a right. The level of repression against PTI is unprecedented however, because more than 10,000 of its workers and leaders are still in jail; an informal ban has been imposed on Imran Khan and PTI in the media and heavy pressure is being exerted on PTI leaders to leave the party. The trial of Imran Khan and other PTI leaders in military courts over the events of May 9 will be the last nail in coffin of Pakistan’s blinkered democracy. Such things have not happened against political opponents when the PTI was in power for around four years.
Pakistan was never a democratic state in a classical sense, but like many postcolonial countries, it has grappled with challenges and threats from the military and bureaucracy since its inception.
If fear and insecurity over the popularity of PTI is the primary cause for not holding elections in Punjab on May 14 as ordered by the Supreme Court and the unprecedented crackdown against the party, the PDM coalition must be ready to face the wrath of voters in the general elections, whenever these may be held. Documented evidences of state repression against workers and leaders of PTI will further expose the coalition government that they went too far with the security establishment to crush their political opponents.
The shrinking space for democracy in Pakistan needs to be examined in three ways. First, Pakistan was never a democratic state in a classical sense, but like many postcolonial countries, it has grappled with challenges and threats from the military and bureaucracy since its inception. By not accepting the verdict of the people of East Pakistan in the December 1970 general elections, the powers that be presided over the disintegration of Pakistan and the emergence of Bangladesh. Even in the post-1971 era, non-political forces representing the deep state managed to overthrow elected regimes in 1977 and 1999. With a feudal mindset, and having meager intellectual standing, political parties and their leaders are unable to establish democratic practices within their rank and file. When the culture of Pakistan is authoritarian, with marginal analytical skills and abysmal levels of critical thinking, how can the country be expected to develop democratic space organically? Corruption, nepotism, hypocrisy, deceit, lies and political opportunism form the core of the culture of Pakistan, which in the last 75 years, has largely remained the same.
Secondly, no political party in Pakistan can claim to have been formed without the support and patronage of the security establishment. The age-old tendency in Pakistan’s politics that political parties are created, divided and broken for power ambitions cannot be denied. The present crisis that the PTI is experiencing reflects a bitter truth - that the security establishment had patronized those holding positions in the rank and file. The PTI, which was termed a pro-establishment party that was close to the generals, felt the wrath of the state when it began to challenge the men in uniform and accused them directly of destabilizing the regime of Imran Khan, being involved in the assassination attempt on him and collaborating with the PDM coalition in preventing the party from returning to power.
The PML-N tried to challenge the military’s hold over power, but abandoned its principled stance due to sheer political opportunism.
If all state institutions, except perhaps for the superior judiciary, is against the PTI, it means a faction within the military establishment wouldn’t like to see Imran Khan return to power. When the coalition government was so confident in preventing the holding of Punjab Assembly elections on May 14, it was not possible without the support of those who wield the real power in Pakistan’s politics. Drawing a parallel between Imran Khan, Sheikh Mujibur Rehman and Altaf Hussain may not be entirely true, but it is Khan who has effectively challenged the writ of the generals.
The surge of a trust deficit between Imran Khan and the commanding generals is a reality and after the events of May 9, reversing their antagonism may not be easy. On this collision course, one side will have to relegate, and it seems that despite the determination and fighting spirit of Khan, he may not prevail over the heavy handedness of the establishment. Third, in the prevailing conflict between PTI and the military establishment, the role of Punjab, the most privileged and populated province of Pakistan, in terms of its share in the military, bureaucracy and other centers of power, is crucial. For the first time in the history of Pakistan, Punjab, which has always been pro-military owing to a 75% representation in the officer and non-officer cadre, is sharply divided. The PML-N tried to challenge the military’s hold over power, but abandoned its principled stance due to sheer political opportunism. As far as the PPP is concerned, it has a history of resisting the military’s interference but reconciled with the fact that it cannot confront the establishment head on. That leaves only PTI, which despite a heavy state crackdown, is still highly popular among Punjab’s urban classes in particular.
No political party in Pakistan can claim to have been formed without the support and patronage of the security establishment.
Divisions within Punjab over support for the military establishment will have far reaching ramifications for Pakistan’s politics. Smaller provinces like Balochistan and Sindh, which have a history of challenging the abuse of power by the powerful establishment are bewildered to see Punjab’s defiance. Whether Punjab’s challenge to the military’s dominance in politics will help to widen democratic space in Pakistan is yet to be seen.