The Curse of Religious Bigotry Has Paralysed Pakistan

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The state’s lack of will to counter religious extremism and the government's vested interest to continue with the 'divide and rule' strategy have majorly contributed towards Pakistan being held hostage by the religious extremists

2024-10-10T21:20:00+05:00 Muneer Hussain

In Pakistan, religious bigotry has been a hidden force which has fueled the flames of religious intolerance and violence. The state’s lack of will to counter religious extremism and the government's vested interest in continuing with the colonial 'divide and rule' strategy have majorly contributed towards Pakistan being held hostage by religious extremists. The glorification of perpetrators of religiously-motivated violence further exacerbates the situation in our country. In fact, religious radicalism has even infiltrated the police force, turning it into a tool for extrajudicial killings, especially of blasphemy suspects. The presentation of garlands to police officers by religious fanatics to celebrate the extrajudicial killings of these suspects serves as a blatant attempt to influence law enforcement agencies. How dreadfully ironic it is that the agencies that should enforce the law and save the people from religious extremism have now become victims of that very deep-rooted menace? If the police become complicit in the murders of individuals facing unproven blasphemy allegations, then this land will not see justice. 

So far, there has been little effective resistance against the violence perpetrated in the name of religion. The only notable exceptions are a few cases which were widely reported and circulated on social media, resulting in significant public outrage. For example, the recent case of Dr Shah Nawaz Kunbhar, a blasphemy suspect who was extra-judicially murdered by the police in Mirpurkhas, Sindh, and the 2017 mob lynching of Mashal Khan, a student at the Abdul Wali Khan University in Mardan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. This situation is particularly distressing and highlights the urgent need for societal and institutional change.

The question is: what makes the Pakistani society so reluctant to speak out against religious violence? There could be many factors. One significant factor is the hidden curriculum of our education system, which facilitates the radicalisation of society and shapes the populace into a more religiously oriented one. Consider how students are taught subjects like language, science, social studies, law, and technology from primary to higher education. It is often the case that textbooks for non-religious subjects are influenced by religious texts, even when ethics, religious studies, or Islamic studies are designated as separate subjects for religious teachings. When students are exposed to radical religious teachings across all subjects, it not only affects their reasoning but also undermines their ability to question and speak out against religiously motivated bigotry.

Another factor is that extremists derive strength from their ability to interpret religious texts in ways that serve their agenda. The problem also stems from historical misinterpretations of religion and its texts. It appears that the state as a whole—its institutions, laws, and judiciary— has yielded to the religious bigotry within our society. It does not challenge the extremist and hostile interpretations of the religious texts, rather seems to endorse them. If our leaders with all the state machinery at their disposal are so frightened to confront religious extremism, how can anyone else effectively challenge it?

Given the frequency of such horrific incidents, we may as well become renowned for being the nation of mob lynchers as we are either too complicit or risk-averse to combat growing religious extremism in Pakistan

Our blasphemy laws, particularly Section 295-C, focus more on inflicting punishments on suspects than on providing justice. Not only that, they also reflect a deeper and more frightening rot within our legal fraternity and judiciary, who remain mere bystanders to the abuse of blasphemy laws. They often defend culprits, shielding them from punishment. Consequently, the blasphemy suspects remain unheard, while the perpetrators are given a voice and instant relief. This is a common practice in Pakistan because our religion has been weaponised. Other factors, such as lawlessness and a lack of accountability, further fuel the fire of religious extremism.

The rise in extrajudicial killings by state forces reflects a much deeper crisis within the state itself, where our fundamental rights such as the right to life, liberty, security, privacy, and a fair trial for blasphemy suspects are not guaranteed anymore. According to a report by the Centre for Research and Security Studies, as of 2021, 89 people had been extra-judicially killed from roughly 1,500 accusations and cases. The actual number is believed to be higher, as not all blasphemy cases are reported in the press. “Alarming is the increasing trend of both blasphemy cases and extrajudicial killings, particularly in the last few years. From 1948 to 1978, only 11 cases of blasphemy were recorded, three of which resulted in extrajudicial killings. From 1987 to 2021, these cases increased by about 1,300%”, the same report further stated.

Independent media outlet, FactFocus, revealed the existence of an undercover "Blasphemy Business Group" that systematically entraps youth in false blasphemy cases via Facebook and WhatsApp groups. Disturbingly, a group of lawyers, along with numerous members of the Federal Investigation Agency's (FIA) Cyber Crime Wing and other state institutions, have been identified as facilitators of this group, of course for extortion and blackmailing.

Given the frequency of such horrific incidents, we may as well become renowned for being the nation of mob lynchers as we are either too complicit or risk-averse to combat growing religious extremism in Pakistan. The fact that Islam is closely tied to the concept of state authority and national identity, there is plenty of space for non-state actors to influence how it should be interpreted.

To free the police and judiciary from extremism, the recruitment process needs to be reformed. We must urgently address the hidden religious bias in our school curricula, and incorporate material that teaches pluralism, inclusivity, and diversity. To liberate the law from religious motivations, blasphemy laws should either be repealed or equal punishments imposed on those who make false or fabricated allegations. However, to tackle state-backed blasphemy politics, how about initiating long lasting resistance against it? Otherwise, the menace of religious extremism in Pakistan seems unstoppable.

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