Is it time for Asif Ali Zardari to work some magic to clear the huge mess in Pakistan? Will he shuffle his cards and unleash caged tigers to cast a spell for the better – or worse – in politics and economy? Is he likely to sneak in his winning smile any time soon to help resolve the constitutional crisis in the country?
For now, at least, it looks like Asif Zardari, President Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), is backseat driving, allowing his son Bilawal Bhutto, Chairman PPP, to steer the party truck straight into Neverland – because, he is left with no cards to show and is happy to be the king of Sindh.
“The current political battle is being fought between PML-N and PTI,” says veteran journalist Zahid Husain. “They are the main players in Punjab. The PPP has an extremely reduced influence in the province. And, Zardari is sitting pretty in Sindh.”
In the middle of multiple institutional, constitutional, political and economic crises faced by the country, the Pakistan People’s Party has stressed on the need for a joint dialogue among political parties through a statement on April 8. The PPP stalwart Farhatullah Babar stated the current political crisis is “untenable legally, morally and politically and needs to be reviewed.”
For people, even remotely acquainted with principles of democracy, it sounded like a perfectly sensible idea. Take PTI’s Fawad Chaudhry for example. He welcomed the PPP statement and said the party has shown “political thinking” and “political parties do not end the path of dialogue.”
Those familiar with Zardari’s shrewd sense of politics see Chaudhry’s welcoming gesture as ominous – as a practice run for the elections when they come. They are reminded of the many twists and turns his party has taken post-Benazir Bhutto. Riding on the mantra of ‘democracy is the best revenge’ and ‘a game of chances and possibilities’, the PPP has made a series of compromises to desperately stay afloat in cesspool of politics in Pakistan. It struck a deal with Chaudhry brothers when a new office was created to accommodate Pervaiz Elahi as deputy prime minister after Yousuf Raza Gilani was disqualified in 2012.
So, then, would it mark another low if the PPP decides to get chummy with the PTI and PPP and Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) go separate ways in the march to elections in Punjab and Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa possibly on May 15? “The PPP would be interested in initiating a dialogue with the PTI ahead of elections in Punjab and KP,” says senior journalist Suhail Warraich.
Since presently the PPP’s stakes are low in Punjab and KP, it could steer itself in any direction to regain space it lost in the elections of 2013 and 2018. Also, the PPP left the ruling Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM) in protest last April against a show-cause issued to it by the PDM leadership – and is therefore not bound to contest the next elections in alliance with the PML-N. Zardari recently said, “We are not a part of the PDM, but we are their partners in the government.”
“It is possible the PPP secures a better position in Punjab and KP after the elections by developing understanding on provincial assembly seats. That would be their best bargain,” adds Warraich.
Since dissolution of the Punjab and KP assemblies and start of the constitutional fiasco, the PPP’s stand has been consistent in demanding election in 90 days. On April 5 in Gambat Sindh, Bilawal expressed his displeasure on the delay in polls in Punjab and KP and said the fight for Lahore’s throne would sink Pakistan due to the stubbornness of some politicians to play politics.
In a long Zoom meeting chaired by Faryal Talpur on March 22, the party reportedly considered applications for tickets from South Punjab for constituencies from PP-203 to PP-297. Talpur is evidently trying to create space in South Punjab after realizing that the traditional PPP voters have abandoned the party in the area and have joined the PTI folds, says senior analyst Mazhar Abbas – “Discontent with the performance of PPP, its supporters in South Punjab, that grew up chanting the anti-PML slogan, have tilted towards the PTI. Imran Khan has exploited this sentiment to his party’s benefit.”
With the PPP relegated to the lower echelons of power in Punjab and KP, its best bet is to hold on to Sindh tightly, “prevent the PTI to win an overwhelming majority in the centre.” adds Abbas. Its ultimate aim is to win as many seats in Sindh to strengthen its bargaining position in the next federal government. It would also wish for a weaker PML-N presence to make inroads in Punjab.
Till the PPP holds Sindh, the party will remain relevant in the politics of Pakistan. “Sindh is Zardari’s fortune. Bilawal will remain in store for some more years to come,” says Abbas.
“Zardari is a satisfied man,” says Warraich. “His party is in a majority in Sindh. It has made inroads into Balochistan as well. His legal cases are settled. Bilawal is gaining experience in the cushy office of foreign ministry. What more does he want?”
Asif Zardari, beset with limited cards in hand, has taken a backseat, while PML-N and PTI swoop in for the electoral win in Punjab – and KP too.
For now, at least, it looks like Asif Zardari, President Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), is backseat driving, allowing his son Bilawal Bhutto, Chairman PPP, to steer the party truck straight into Neverland – because, he is left with no cards to show and is happy to be the king of Sindh.
“The current political battle is being fought between PML-N and PTI,” says veteran journalist Zahid Husain. “They are the main players in Punjab. The PPP has an extremely reduced influence in the province. And, Zardari is sitting pretty in Sindh.”
In the middle of multiple institutional, constitutional, political and economic crises faced by the country, the Pakistan People’s Party has stressed on the need for a joint dialogue among political parties through a statement on April 8. The PPP stalwart Farhatullah Babar stated the current political crisis is “untenable legally, morally and politically and needs to be reviewed.”
For people, even remotely acquainted with principles of democracy, it sounded like a perfectly sensible idea. Take PTI’s Fawad Chaudhry for example. He welcomed the PPP statement and said the party has shown “political thinking” and “political parties do not end the path of dialogue.”
Those familiar with Zardari’s shrewd sense of politics see Chaudhry’s welcoming gesture as ominous – as a practice run for the elections when they come. They are reminded of the many twists and turns his party has taken post-Benazir Bhutto. Riding on the mantra of ‘democracy is the best revenge’ and ‘a game of chances and possibilities’, the PPP has made a series of compromises to desperately stay afloat in cesspool of politics in Pakistan. It struck a deal with Chaudhry brothers when a new office was created to accommodate Pervaiz Elahi as deputy prime minister after Yousuf Raza Gilani was disqualified in 2012.
So, then, would it mark another low if the PPP decides to get chummy with the PTI and PPP and Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) go separate ways in the march to elections in Punjab and Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa possibly on May 15? “The PPP would be interested in initiating a dialogue with the PTI ahead of elections in Punjab and KP,” says senior journalist Suhail Warraich.
Since presently the PPP’s stakes are low in Punjab and KP, it could steer itself in any direction to regain space it lost in the elections of 2013 and 2018. Also, the PPP left the ruling Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM) in protest last April against a show-cause issued to it by the PDM leadership – and is therefore not bound to contest the next elections in alliance with the PML-N. Zardari recently said, “We are not a part of the PDM, but we are their partners in the government.”
“It is possible the PPP secures a better position in Punjab and KP after the elections by developing understanding on provincial assembly seats. That would be their best bargain,” adds Warraich.
Since dissolution of the Punjab and KP assemblies and start of the constitutional fiasco, the PPP’s stand has been consistent in demanding election in 90 days. On April 5 in Gambat Sindh, Bilawal expressed his displeasure on the delay in polls in Punjab and KP and said the fight for Lahore’s throne would sink Pakistan due to the stubbornness of some politicians to play politics.
In a long Zoom meeting chaired by Faryal Talpur on March 22, the party reportedly considered applications for tickets from South Punjab for constituencies from PP-203 to PP-297. Talpur is evidently trying to create space in South Punjab after realizing that the traditional PPP voters have abandoned the party in the area and have joined the PTI folds, says senior analyst Mazhar Abbas – “Discontent with the performance of PPP, its supporters in South Punjab, that grew up chanting the anti-PML slogan, have tilted towards the PTI. Imran Khan has exploited this sentiment to his party’s benefit.”
With the PPP relegated to the lower echelons of power in Punjab and KP, its best bet is to hold on to Sindh tightly, “prevent the PTI to win an overwhelming majority in the centre.” adds Abbas. Its ultimate aim is to win as many seats in Sindh to strengthen its bargaining position in the next federal government. It would also wish for a weaker PML-N presence to make inroads in Punjab.
Till the PPP holds Sindh, the party will remain relevant in the politics of Pakistan. “Sindh is Zardari’s fortune. Bilawal will remain in store for some more years to come,” says Abbas.
“Zardari is a satisfied man,” says Warraich. “His party is in a majority in Sindh. It has made inroads into Balochistan as well. His legal cases are settled. Bilawal is gaining experience in the cushy office of foreign ministry. What more does he want?”
Asif Zardari, beset with limited cards in hand, has taken a backseat, while PML-N and PTI swoop in for the electoral win in Punjab – and KP too.