Modern military organization is a western invention. Drills, synchronized physical training and battalions as a basic unit of organizational structure were all invented as part of the historical phenomenon of wars, conflicts and power politics. The post-French Revolution Napoleonic wars transformed the part-conscripted part-mercenary armies into mass national armies, based on the membership of common peasants, who were mesmerized by the charisma of the military genius of Napoleon. The revolutionary changes wrought by the Napoleonic wars were transformed into conventional military structures of modern armed force with their general staff acting as the brains as well as logistic anchors.
Conventional land formations of battalions, divisions and corps emerged thus as the main body of a military force. During the course of the 18th, 19th and 20th centuries, these organizational models were transplanted into Asian and African societies. This process ran parallel to the spread of western imperialism in Asia and Africa. By the 20th century, the process of the westernization of military organizations around the world was complete and all pervasive.
Even the societies and states whose security and defense requirements did not necessitate the elaborate structures and extravagant paraphernalia of the western model of military organizations adopted it. For instance, the small Sheikhdoms of the Persian Gulf don’t have the strategic depth needed for fielding an effective military defense. Nonetheless, these tiny city states spend billions of dollars to maintain a western style military organization.
Even the societies and states whose security and defense requirements did not necessitate the elaborate structures and extravagant paraphernalia of the western model of military organizations adopted it.
In the post-World War II security environment, western style military organizations became status symbols for states throughout Asia and Africa. International security experts point out that several states had foregone the option of raising their military forces as guerilla fighter organizations—despite the fact that guerilla organizations were more suited for their defense - under the influence of the American, British and other western defense establishments. There are countries which didn’t have the required resources to maintain a western style military force, which is quite expensive without any doubt. Yet the western influence was so pervasive that these states opted for western style military organizations, ignoring the paucity of funds they were facing.
The Afghan Taliban are proving themselves to be an exception to this rule. They have introduced a unique feature in their standing army - which they are in the process of raising after coming to power. The Taliban have formed Suicide Bomber Brigades and have made these part of their army. Soon after taking Kabul in August 2021, the Taliban paraded their suicide bomber battalion on National Television. They “exhibited an arsenal of suicide vests, suicide car bombs, and yellow plastic jerry cans—used to make the group’s signature improvised explosive devices (IEDs)—while a ballad glorifying the bombs and associated bombers played over the visuals.”
Reports in Afghan and international media indicate that Taliban have so far formally deployed suicide bomber battalions on two occasions—once on the border with Tajikistan when the relations with this central Asian state became tense and for a second time in 2022 on the Afghan-Iran border when the Iranian President threatened the Taliban leadership over some sort of water dispute. A western media outlet mentions the Afghan Taliban as a terror organization with the maximum numbers of suicide bombing attacks in the world during the two decades of American presence in Afghanistan. However, there is one hell of a difference between the Taliban as a terror organization using suicide bombing as a weapon of terror, and the Taliban regime, which is in control of all Afghan territory, inducting battalions of suicide bombers into their regular military force.
The Taliban is not an internationally recognized government of Afghanistan. We have another example of a terror organization in Da’esh trying to establish and run a government in parts of Syria and Iraq. That government was bombed by the western powers and Russia, and resultantly disintegrated. The Taliban example is a bit different. Regional powers like Russia, Iran, Pakistan and China have been hobnobbing with and assisting the Taliban regime. Washington has held talks with it. The Taliban inherited more than a century old state structure of the Afghan state. We know very little about suicide battalions that Taliban displayed on national television. What are their rules of engagements? For instance, will they only take part in conventional military operations? Or will they be sent to carry out attacks on enemy territory (whoever the Taliban regime considers an enemy, anyway)? So far, the Taliban have reportedly deployed these battalions against Tajikistan and Iran, in interstate disputes of varying scales. Could Pakistan also qualify for a deployment if things continue to escalate?
Western militaries have an inherent bias against the unconventional style of fighting wars, especially guerilla warfare—primarily because they were the targets of guerilla tactics deployed by freedom fighters in Asia and Africa during the days of western colonial empires. The bias they developed during the days of imperial rule was transferred into the thinking of military strategists in the post-Second World War era. So far, no credible comment from the officialdom of western powers has appeared about the Taliban’s move to deploy suicide bombers as part of a conventional military force. Will the Taliban be allowed to maintain a weapon which is so blatantly associated with urban terrorism into their regular military force?
Western militaries have an inherent bias against the unconventional style of fighting wars, especially guerilla warfare—primarily because they were the targets of guerilla tactics deployed by freedom fighters in Asia and Africa during the days of western colonial empires.
Two or three Pakistani lawyers I talked to were not entirely clear about the implication of the Taliban’s move for international law. Western powers have not shown any signs of recognizing the Taliban regime. But several regional powers are already maintaining functioning embassies in Kabul. Given the western military establishment’s inherent bias against any unconventional military force of a state which could become regular members of international community, it is likely that the Taliban’s suicide bomber battalions could become a moot point for international law in the coming years.
It is pertinent to point out that the contrast between the culture and socioeconomic conditions of Afghan society, which hosts the Taliban, and the ethos of western liberal societies, couldn't be more stark than what is revealed by their different approaches towards war fighting styles. Many political commentators in western societies point out that one of the failings of western liberal societies is the inability of their governments to convince their masses to fight for their countries. A luxurious life in western democracies and pacifist political ideologies that western liberalism preaches at home has made their citizens love peace far too much in a world wrought with conflict. The military is not a prestigious profession in these societies as a consequence. Afghan society has been at a state of war, embattled with conflict, terrorism and militancy for five consecutive decades. Death rather than life has become a norm. Hunger and poverty define the socioeconomic conditions in Afghan society. Life has no meaning, apart from the way it is defined by military conflict, terrorism and militancy. In such situations, suicide doesn’t appear abnormal.
The pertinent question for regional countries like Pakistan is what the implications of these suicide battalions for our security will be, especially when the Interior Minister of the Taliban regime is openly greeting the families of suicide bombers—bombers who carried out suicide bombings during the American presence-in Kabul city under the full spotlight of local media.
Will the Taliban not hesitate in ordering some members of their suicide battalions to sneak into urban areas in Pakistan and carry out a secret mission, for which someone in the Kabul government would later claim responsibility?
We should awaken out of our diplomatic, military and political slumber, and start pondering these questions.