When his release seemed to be upsetting the 10-day-old old PDP-BJP coalition in Jammu and Kashmir, most people in India did not know who Masarat Alam actually was. The way the debates on TV channels were going on, many of them might have been seeing another Ajmal Kasab in him. As the media war unleashed, the impression created was that a “dreaded terrorist” had been released and Kashmir was all set to go back to its troubled days. However, many did not know that he had since graduated as a political leader, though with a difference, and was seen as a potential successor to octogenarian separatist leader Syed Ali Shah Geelani.
But the reality was different. No doubt Masarat Alam directed the anti-India and anti-government protests first during Amarnath land row and later in 2010, when 120 people got killed in police firing, his detention in jails had become a serious challenge for the government on legal grounds. Born in a well to do family of Srinagar downtown, he had his early education in Tyndale Biscoe Missionary School. He had been found of music, that his new ideology considers prohibited. He is a hardliner in the anti-India camp and is a co-founder of the Muslim League, the name that was responsible for creation of Pakistan. Masarat had a brief stint with Hizbullah, a militant organization. Before he could formally pick up a gun, he was arrested during a secret meeting with Hizbullah chief Mushtaqul Islam in early 90’s and was released two years later.
After his release, he organized himself as a political activist and continued to nurture his strong anti-India feelings. It took him ten years after his release in 1993 to become a force to reckon with, when he played his role in what the hardliners in the Hurriyat Conference called a “cleansing” exercise. They were up in arms after the People’s Conference leader Sajjad Lone was alleged to have fielded proxy candidates in 2002 assembly elections as a reaction to his father Abdul Ghani Lone’s killing at the hands of militants. Masarat rallied behind Geelani and there was a split in the ten year old conglomerate.
Masarat did not practically use his gun but his power to organize strong anti-India protests and oratory skills proved more powerful than guns. That is why the government headed by Omar Abdullah put a cash reward of Rs 1 million on his head during 2010 agitation when Kashmir was locked in a virtual shut down for many months. Even as the media projects him as a threat to peace and a villain to any process aimed at reconciliation, his stature has grown manifold in the Valley due to the “negative” coverage he got after his release. A man who according to many top officials should be seen just as an “instigator” came out as a threat to a coalition that took two months to make. Had both the PDP and the BJP not kept the cool, his release would have put an end to the new government.
Now that Masarat is out, it would be interesting to watch the developments in the separatist camp. First, whether he would be in a position to take Kashmir back into an agitation mode. Who will be his partners and what would be the issues? But the larger question that would be constantly lurking in the minds of Kashmir watchers would be the successor of Geelani. All along his political career, Masarat has seen Geelani as an ideal of resistance. They share not only their religious ideology but also a strong approach to the resolution of the Kashmir issue. Both see moderates as “traitors” and the uncompromising stancr they have espoused has paid off in making them leaders in the separatist constituency.
At one point in time, Masarat was seen as a natural successor to Geelani for not only the ideas they shared but also for the fact that there was no leader in the Geelani-led Tehreek-e-Hurriyat to replace him. Mohammad Ashraf Sahrai is the most respected leader in the group. But not being fire brand and not in good health may get in the way. But if insiders are to be believed, Masarat had lost favour in 2010 only when he, in veiled references, criticized Geelani for calling for a peaceful agitation in 2010 soon after he was released by the government. His release followed his meeting with Omar Abdullah’s political adviser Devendar Rana in a Chashma Shahi hut that had been declared a sub jail.
As they fell apart, though temporarily, Geelani’s doctor son Naeem and son-in-law Altaf Shah (Fantosh) were being seen as his likely successors. Naeem was in Pakistan for quite some time before he crossed over through Wagah in November 2010. Since his passport was not renewed by the Indian High Commission in Islamabad, he was given a special travel document to return home. There were rumours that he would succeed his father. But Naeem is also not in good health and Geelani himself has evaded queries on his succession. Altaf in any case does not match his charisma.
In the changing scenario, when Masarat has renewed his admiration for Geelani and his politics, it is likely that he may start a new journey in his camp. In that case he is seen as an ideal choice to succeed Geelani. The coming months would be crucial for the separatist camp to be relevant in Kashmiri politics and that necessity may propel Masarat in a much larger role.
Shujaat Bukhari is a veteran journalist based in Srinagar, and the editor-in-chief of Rising Kashmir
But the reality was different. No doubt Masarat Alam directed the anti-India and anti-government protests first during Amarnath land row and later in 2010, when 120 people got killed in police firing, his detention in jails had become a serious challenge for the government on legal grounds. Born in a well to do family of Srinagar downtown, he had his early education in Tyndale Biscoe Missionary School. He had been found of music, that his new ideology considers prohibited. He is a hardliner in the anti-India camp and is a co-founder of the Muslim League, the name that was responsible for creation of Pakistan. Masarat had a brief stint with Hizbullah, a militant organization. Before he could formally pick up a gun, he was arrested during a secret meeting with Hizbullah chief Mushtaqul Islam in early 90’s and was released two years later.
After his release, he organized himself as a political activist and continued to nurture his strong anti-India feelings. It took him ten years after his release in 1993 to become a force to reckon with, when he played his role in what the hardliners in the Hurriyat Conference called a “cleansing” exercise. They were up in arms after the People’s Conference leader Sajjad Lone was alleged to have fielded proxy candidates in 2002 assembly elections as a reaction to his father Abdul Ghani Lone’s killing at the hands of militants. Masarat rallied behind Geelani and there was a split in the ten year old conglomerate.
Masarat did not practically use his gun but his power to organize strong anti-India protests and oratory skills proved more powerful than guns. That is why the government headed by Omar Abdullah put a cash reward of Rs 1 million on his head during 2010 agitation when Kashmir was locked in a virtual shut down for many months. Even as the media projects him as a threat to peace and a villain to any process aimed at reconciliation, his stature has grown manifold in the Valley due to the “negative” coverage he got after his release. A man who according to many top officials should be seen just as an “instigator” came out as a threat to a coalition that took two months to make. Had both the PDP and the BJP not kept the cool, his release would have put an end to the new government.
Now that Masarat is out, it would be interesting to watch the developments in the separatist camp. First, whether he would be in a position to take Kashmir back into an agitation mode. Who will be his partners and what would be the issues? But the larger question that would be constantly lurking in the minds of Kashmir watchers would be the successor of Geelani. All along his political career, Masarat has seen Geelani as an ideal of resistance. They share not only their religious ideology but also a strong approach to the resolution of the Kashmir issue. Both see moderates as “traitors” and the uncompromising stancr they have espoused has paid off in making them leaders in the separatist constituency.
At one point in time, Masarat was seen as a natural successor to Geelani for not only the ideas they shared but also for the fact that there was no leader in the Geelani-led Tehreek-e-Hurriyat to replace him. Mohammad Ashraf Sahrai is the most respected leader in the group. But not being fire brand and not in good health may get in the way. But if insiders are to be believed, Masarat had lost favour in 2010 only when he, in veiled references, criticized Geelani for calling for a peaceful agitation in 2010 soon after he was released by the government. His release followed his meeting with Omar Abdullah’s political adviser Devendar Rana in a Chashma Shahi hut that had been declared a sub jail.
As they fell apart, though temporarily, Geelani’s doctor son Naeem and son-in-law Altaf Shah (Fantosh) were being seen as his likely successors. Naeem was in Pakistan for quite some time before he crossed over through Wagah in November 2010. Since his passport was not renewed by the Indian High Commission in Islamabad, he was given a special travel document to return home. There were rumours that he would succeed his father. But Naeem is also not in good health and Geelani himself has evaded queries on his succession. Altaf in any case does not match his charisma.
In the changing scenario, when Masarat has renewed his admiration for Geelani and his politics, it is likely that he may start a new journey in his camp. In that case he is seen as an ideal choice to succeed Geelani. The coming months would be crucial for the separatist camp to be relevant in Kashmiri politics and that necessity may propel Masarat in a much larger role.
Shujaat Bukhari is a veteran journalist based in Srinagar, and the editor-in-chief of Rising Kashmir