Imran Khan’s obsession with “corruption” as the root cause of every ill in state and society has touched new heights. He told the media in Davos that Pakistan’s economic growth and development had plummeted to new depths because of the corruption of the two mainstream opposition parties. He also claimed that the main cause of tension and conflict between the military and various PPP and PMLN regimes in the past was the military’s fierce aversion to their “corrupt” practices. As a corollary, it would appear that since his PTI regime is not corrupt, economic growth should be high; and because there are no tensions with the military, because they are on the same page on every issue, his government is safe and secure and stable. But the record proves him wrong on all counts.
“Corruption” was always the pretext on which political governments and leaders were hung out to dry in order to hide the true reasons for annoying or alienating the Miltablishment. In Imran Khan’s own “corruption-free” case, economic growth has hit rock bottom. There are also increasing signs of tension with the Miltablishment related to poor governance and bad management rather than corruption, leading pundits to wonder whether the end is nigh for the anti-corruption crusaders. A tour of history is also instructive.
Liaqat Ali Khan promulgated PRODA in 1949 to combat corruption in office. In truth, it was aimed at political opponents. The Mamdot government in Punjab was sacked for being “corrupt” and the Sindh CM Pir Elahi Buksh was similarly disqualified. in May 1954, East Pakistan’s CM, AK Fazlul Haq, was accused of corruption and fired. No direct link was ever established between corruption and economic growth. Under Gen Ayub Khan, PODA and EBDO were promulgated, dozens of politicians and over 3000 civil servants, high and low, were charged with corruption and many were disqualified from contesting elections or holding office. But the high economic growth of those years was due to unprecedented levels of economic assistance from the US in exchange for Pakistan’s partnership against “communism”, coupled with better management and planning of resources. Indeed, the Ayub era is often portrayed as the License Raj or golden age of corruption when the civil-military bureaucracy and 22 business families ruled the roost.
Gen Yahya Khan sacked 303 bureaucrats for corruption. But the country nose-dived into economic chaos and dismemberment. In the ZA Bhutto regime, over 1000 officials were sacked for corruption but the economy didn’t pick up. In the 1980s, Gen Zia ul Haq promulgated the PPO 16 and PPO 17 but institutionalized corruption by writing off bank loans of supporters and loyalists and sanctioning “development funds” for loyal MNAs and MPAs. Once again, American funds gushed in to prop up the economy in exchange for launching jihad against the USSR in Afghanistan.
Benazir Bhutto was sacked by the Miltablishment in 1990 on corruption charges. None were ever proved. The real reason was her attempt to challenge the hegemony of the military in foreign and national security policy, especially her quest for a peace settlement with India. Indeed, when Nawaz Sharif was dismissed for challenging the Miltablishment’s writ in 1993, “Mr 10 Per cent” was sworn in as a minister in the interim government and the road paved for the allegedly “corrupt” Bhutto to return to office. In turn, she launched over 100 cases of corruption and irregularities against the Sharif brothers, none of which ever amounted to anything. Indeed, when she was dismissed on corruption charges again in 1996, the “corrupt” Sharifs made up with the Miltablishment and returned to power in 1997. Much the same sort of political opportunism in the name of anti-corruption crusades was evident during General Pervez Mushharaf’s time. NAB was established to wipe out both the PPP and PMLN. Yet in 2007, the same General Musharraf promulgated the NRO to benefit 8,041 tainted politicians and bring the PPP back to power. The economic growth of the Musharraf years had more to do with a revival of large-scale American aid to boost the economy and fight the Taliban in Afghanistan after 9/11 than with any significant decline in the corruption index.
The PPP government from 2008-2013 was hounded from pillar to post by the Miltablishment not because of any corruption issues but because, first, it tried to wrest control of the ISI; second, because it wanted to engage with India over trade; and third, because it aroused suspicions during “Memogate” that it was conspiring with Washington to clip the wings of the Miltablishment. Much the same reaction was provoked by Nawaz Sharif from 2013-2018 when he opted to prosecute Gen (retd) Musharraf for high treason and challenged the Miltablishment’s pro-jihadi stance (DawnLeaks), which led to the launch of Imran Khan’s threatening dharnas. Nawaz Sharif was finally felled by an undisclosed iqama residence permit.
We have now come full circle to low economic growth, political instability, and tensions with the military in the backdrop of vicious “anti-corruption” crusades against opposition politicians. But this period of false consciousness too shall not deliver.
“Corruption” was always the pretext on which political governments and leaders were hung out to dry in order to hide the true reasons for annoying or alienating the Miltablishment. In Imran Khan’s own “corruption-free” case, economic growth has hit rock bottom. There are also increasing signs of tension with the Miltablishment related to poor governance and bad management rather than corruption, leading pundits to wonder whether the end is nigh for the anti-corruption crusaders. A tour of history is also instructive.
Liaqat Ali Khan promulgated PRODA in 1949 to combat corruption in office. In truth, it was aimed at political opponents. The Mamdot government in Punjab was sacked for being “corrupt” and the Sindh CM Pir Elahi Buksh was similarly disqualified. in May 1954, East Pakistan’s CM, AK Fazlul Haq, was accused of corruption and fired. No direct link was ever established between corruption and economic growth. Under Gen Ayub Khan, PODA and EBDO were promulgated, dozens of politicians and over 3000 civil servants, high and low, were charged with corruption and many were disqualified from contesting elections or holding office. But the high economic growth of those years was due to unprecedented levels of economic assistance from the US in exchange for Pakistan’s partnership against “communism”, coupled with better management and planning of resources. Indeed, the Ayub era is often portrayed as the License Raj or golden age of corruption when the civil-military bureaucracy and 22 business families ruled the roost.
Gen Yahya Khan sacked 303 bureaucrats for corruption. But the country nose-dived into economic chaos and dismemberment. In the ZA Bhutto regime, over 1000 officials were sacked for corruption but the economy didn’t pick up. In the 1980s, Gen Zia ul Haq promulgated the PPO 16 and PPO 17 but institutionalized corruption by writing off bank loans of supporters and loyalists and sanctioning “development funds” for loyal MNAs and MPAs. Once again, American funds gushed in to prop up the economy in exchange for launching jihad against the USSR in Afghanistan.
Benazir Bhutto was sacked by the Miltablishment in 1990 on corruption charges. None were ever proved. The real reason was her attempt to challenge the hegemony of the military in foreign and national security policy, especially her quest for a peace settlement with India. Indeed, when Nawaz Sharif was dismissed for challenging the Miltablishment’s writ in 1993, “Mr 10 Per cent” was sworn in as a minister in the interim government and the road paved for the allegedly “corrupt” Bhutto to return to office. In turn, she launched over 100 cases of corruption and irregularities against the Sharif brothers, none of which ever amounted to anything. Indeed, when she was dismissed on corruption charges again in 1996, the “corrupt” Sharifs made up with the Miltablishment and returned to power in 1997. Much the same sort of political opportunism in the name of anti-corruption crusades was evident during General Pervez Mushharaf’s time. NAB was established to wipe out both the PPP and PMLN. Yet in 2007, the same General Musharraf promulgated the NRO to benefit 8,041 tainted politicians and bring the PPP back to power. The economic growth of the Musharraf years had more to do with a revival of large-scale American aid to boost the economy and fight the Taliban in Afghanistan after 9/11 than with any significant decline in the corruption index.
The PPP government from 2008-2013 was hounded from pillar to post by the Miltablishment not because of any corruption issues but because, first, it tried to wrest control of the ISI; second, because it wanted to engage with India over trade; and third, because it aroused suspicions during “Memogate” that it was conspiring with Washington to clip the wings of the Miltablishment. Much the same reaction was provoked by Nawaz Sharif from 2013-2018 when he opted to prosecute Gen (retd) Musharraf for high treason and challenged the Miltablishment’s pro-jihadi stance (DawnLeaks), which led to the launch of Imran Khan’s threatening dharnas. Nawaz Sharif was finally felled by an undisclosed iqama residence permit.
We have now come full circle to low economic growth, political instability, and tensions with the military in the backdrop of vicious “anti-corruption” crusades against opposition politicians. But this period of false consciousness too shall not deliver.