Respect the Right of Self Determination to Kashmiris, Scrap AFSPA. When you come across such a billboard in an Indian city, you certainly get confused for some time. The reason is that the narrative across India is: Kashmiris are terrorists and they don’t deserve any attention, let alone to what’s happening to people’s lives in the valley. But then it is Kolkata, which is yet to adopt the new definition of nationalism in India.
The support for the “right of self determination” was part of the campaign in Jadavpur University for the student body elections. Apart from the issues of demonetization and Modi’s “wrong policies”, an unflinching support for the political rights of Kashmiris was evident. “Yes, we think Kashmiris should be given their right. It is a democratic right and India is the world’s largest democracy… Use of force has backfired,” said a student activist.
Since West Bengal has a non Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) government, led by fiery Mamata Banerjee, the space for secular politics has not shrunk. Traditionally a bastion of leftists who have ruled the state for three decades, the strong support for Kashmiris in Kolkata is not surprising. But the issue becoming a part of the election campaign is significant. There is strong opposition to the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), similar to that in the neighboring North Eastern states. Jammu and Kashmir has been resisting AFSPA since 1990. Like other states, people in West Bengal are not aware of what is happening in Kashmir but they don’t hold a grudge against Kashmiris. Interaction with students and teachers highlights their concern for human rights. “We do not know much. Please tell us more” was a common query. The open support by students for the rights of Kashmiris serves as a lesson for the rest in the country as to how democratic rights need to be respected.
Kolkata has been hosting Kashmiris to talk about their plight. Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, Yasin Malik and late Abdul Gani Lone are prominent leaders to have visited Kolkata. At the famous Saturday Club a leading Track II activist O P Shah hosted me, and he reminded me of how the club has been a venue for discussions on Kashmir. Interaction with the group of concerned citizens was quite encouraging. There is a strong sense of empathy in Bengal for Kashmiris and their sufferings. Perhaps what is needed is that the Indian masses, who are influenced by the jingoistic media and constructed narratives that suit state policy, are reached out to more.
I delivered the fourth Sandipta Chatterjee Memorial lecture on nationalism and media at Jadavpur University. The coverage of Kashmir by national media was part of my lecture. Sandipta was a young and talented journalist who died few years ago and the School of Media has instituted this memorial lecture to honour her. I was told that the right wing student body Akhil Bhartiya Vidyarti Parishad (ABVP) had planned to disrupt my lecture but given that leftist politics prevails on the campus, ABVP could not succeed even though they showed up at the venue. Many teachers and students told me that it was a “major concern” for them that ABVP had made inroads into the University and for the first time ABVP fielded three candidates in the elections held on January 18. BJP and its affiliates are in fact wrestling for a space in the state and RSS is spearheading a silent movement. It was an interesting face off between Mamata Banerjee’s government and the RSS as the latter planned to organize Hindu conference in Kolkata on January 14. As police denied permission, the High Court intervened and the RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat addressed the meeting stressing on Hindu unity.
The BJP has slowly increased its vote bank in West Bengal, a state where doors had been shut to it for long. For the first time since its inception, the BJP has three members in the State Assembly who were elected last year. In the 2011 assembly election, BJP’s vote share was just four percent. It jumped to 17 percent in the 2014 parliamentary election but went down to 10 percent in the 2016 assembly elections. However, its increase in 2014 is attributed to the Modi wave that swept India. Nevertheless, West Bengal is an indicator of changing electoral dynamics and despite Mamata Banerjee’s resistance, right wing politics is finding a new space in the state.
Muslims comprise nearly 30 percent of the population but they are lagging behind in economic and social terms. Notwithstanding a high number of members in parliament (5 out of 54) and the assembly (60 out of 295) ——courtesy Mamata Banerjee——there is not much change in their social status. For a long time Muslims, according to a Muslim intellectual Baharuddin, were used as a ‘vote bank’ and the Leftists failed them despite their continued support. In 34 years of their rule, the Left did little to uplift their status.
Nobel Laureate Amartya Sen at the 2016 launch of a report entitled, ‘Living Reality of Muslims in Bengal’, said: “The fact that Muslims in West Bengal are disproportionately poorer and more deprived in terms of living conditions is an empirical recognition that gives this report an inescapable immediacy and practical urgency.” Prof. Sen added that Muslims’ access to education and health was very low against the average in the state. The Muslims have not only remained backward in all sectors, they have also been ostracized socially. Mamata’s increased engagement with the community has been criticized as Muslim appeasement. Mamata however has helped Muslims to improve their conditions and gained their confidence thereby invoking the ire of RSS and BJP who call her Mumtaz Begum. The Hindu nationalists are using Muslims’ ‘appeasement’ as a pivot for political mobilization. But it may take them long to be in a position to gain power given the grit and determination of Mamata, who despite her “dictatorial” style is viewed as an agent of change in Bengal.
The support for the “right of self determination” was part of the campaign in Jadavpur University for the student body elections. Apart from the issues of demonetization and Modi’s “wrong policies”, an unflinching support for the political rights of Kashmiris was evident. “Yes, we think Kashmiris should be given their right. It is a democratic right and India is the world’s largest democracy… Use of force has backfired,” said a student activist.
Since West Bengal has a non Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) government, led by fiery Mamata Banerjee, the space for secular politics has not shrunk. Traditionally a bastion of leftists who have ruled the state for three decades, the strong support for Kashmiris in Kolkata is not surprising. But the issue becoming a part of the election campaign is significant. There is strong opposition to the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), similar to that in the neighboring North Eastern states. Jammu and Kashmir has been resisting AFSPA since 1990. Like other states, people in West Bengal are not aware of what is happening in Kashmir but they don’t hold a grudge against Kashmiris. Interaction with students and teachers highlights their concern for human rights. “We do not know much. Please tell us more” was a common query. The open support by students for the rights of Kashmiris serves as a lesson for the rest in the country as to how democratic rights need to be respected.
Yes we think Kashmiris should be given their right [of self-determination].… Use of force has backfired "~a student activist in Kolkatta
Kolkata has been hosting Kashmiris to talk about their plight. Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, Yasin Malik and late Abdul Gani Lone are prominent leaders to have visited Kolkata. At the famous Saturday Club a leading Track II activist O P Shah hosted me, and he reminded me of how the club has been a venue for discussions on Kashmir. Interaction with the group of concerned citizens was quite encouraging. There is a strong sense of empathy in Bengal for Kashmiris and their sufferings. Perhaps what is needed is that the Indian masses, who are influenced by the jingoistic media and constructed narratives that suit state policy, are reached out to more.
I delivered the fourth Sandipta Chatterjee Memorial lecture on nationalism and media at Jadavpur University. The coverage of Kashmir by national media was part of my lecture. Sandipta was a young and talented journalist who died few years ago and the School of Media has instituted this memorial lecture to honour her. I was told that the right wing student body Akhil Bhartiya Vidyarti Parishad (ABVP) had planned to disrupt my lecture but given that leftist politics prevails on the campus, ABVP could not succeed even though they showed up at the venue. Many teachers and students told me that it was a “major concern” for them that ABVP had made inroads into the University and for the first time ABVP fielded three candidates in the elections held on January 18. BJP and its affiliates are in fact wrestling for a space in the state and RSS is spearheading a silent movement. It was an interesting face off between Mamata Banerjee’s government and the RSS as the latter planned to organize Hindu conference in Kolkata on January 14. As police denied permission, the High Court intervened and the RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat addressed the meeting stressing on Hindu unity.
The BJP has slowly increased its vote bank in West Bengal, a state where doors had been shut to it for long. For the first time since its inception, the BJP has three members in the State Assembly who were elected last year. In the 2011 assembly election, BJP’s vote share was just four percent. It jumped to 17 percent in the 2014 parliamentary election but went down to 10 percent in the 2016 assembly elections. However, its increase in 2014 is attributed to the Modi wave that swept India. Nevertheless, West Bengal is an indicator of changing electoral dynamics and despite Mamata Banerjee’s resistance, right wing politics is finding a new space in the state.
Muslims comprise nearly 30 percent of the population but they are lagging behind in economic and social terms. Notwithstanding a high number of members in parliament (5 out of 54) and the assembly (60 out of 295) ——courtesy Mamata Banerjee——there is not much change in their social status. For a long time Muslims, according to a Muslim intellectual Baharuddin, were used as a ‘vote bank’ and the Leftists failed them despite their continued support. In 34 years of their rule, the Left did little to uplift their status.
Nobel Laureate Amartya Sen at the 2016 launch of a report entitled, ‘Living Reality of Muslims in Bengal’, said: “The fact that Muslims in West Bengal are disproportionately poorer and more deprived in terms of living conditions is an empirical recognition that gives this report an inescapable immediacy and practical urgency.” Prof. Sen added that Muslims’ access to education and health was very low against the average in the state. The Muslims have not only remained backward in all sectors, they have also been ostracized socially. Mamata’s increased engagement with the community has been criticized as Muslim appeasement. Mamata however has helped Muslims to improve their conditions and gained their confidence thereby invoking the ire of RSS and BJP who call her Mumtaz Begum. The Hindu nationalists are using Muslims’ ‘appeasement’ as a pivot for political mobilization. But it may take them long to be in a position to gain power given the grit and determination of Mamata, who despite her “dictatorial” style is viewed as an agent of change in Bengal.