Reeling from the ouster of its chief Mian Nawaz Sharif from the office of the prime minister through a Supreme Court verdict, the ruling Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) is convinced that it is a victim of conspiracy.
But, exactly by whom?
The party has literally pointed fingers at everyone linked to the Panama trial—political opponents, the judiciary, the military, the intelligence agencies, the JIT and international conspirators. It is, however, an open secret, who they think is behind the whole saga: the Deep State. They think the forces of the Deep State worked to undermine Nawaz Sharif’s government so as to prevent it from implementing its agenda.
The party cadres are not only clear about it, rather this belief is well entrenched in the party’s psyche, as its chief has never been able to complete his full term in the three stints since assuming office, even though party leaders have tried to be reticent about the matter.
Newly elected Prime Minister Shahid Khaqan Abbasi, in his first media interaction after being nominated for the job by the party, feigned ignorance when asked if he suspected the military’s involvement, although he could have outrightly rejected the conspiracy theory. He said “such matters were the domain of the prime minister” and he was only a petroleum minister in the cabinet. It is difficult to accept his explanation because as one of the elder Sharif’s close confidante, he was part of the internal consultations when Panama Leaks were being investigated.
Another of his party colleagues and a federal minister in the Nawaz Sharif government, Khawaja Saad Rafiq, on the same day, while addressing a press conference in Lahore, gave a slightly nuanced version of the PML-N thinking when he said that no institution was involved, but some individuals were suspected. In his heart of hearts, Mr Rafiq knows the fallacy of his contention as the ‘individuals’ he is suspecting belong to institutions where no one is bigger than the institution.
Outbursts by AJK Prime Minister Raja Farooq Haider and Gilgit-Baltistan Chief Minister Hafiz Hafeezur Rehman against Mr Nawaz Sharif’s disqualification are good pointers of the anger that has been boiling up inside the party.
This fear of conspiracies being hatched against the party’s government precedes Panama Leaks and existed at the time of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf’s sit-in. However, this view crested when Mr Nawaz Sharif, after his appearance before the JIT, which was investigating money-laundering charges against his family, said: “This country has already paid dearly for conspiracies and intrigues… The time of the hidden hand is long gone; now, puppet masters can no longer play their games. I want to say a lot more, and I will say more in the days to come.” His party colleagues say Mr Nawaz Sharif, ever since moving out of PM House, has become more obsessed with the conspiracy element, especially after talking to his lawyers and party aides.
Meanwhile, the party’s inner echelons are abuzz with chatter of the military orchestrating Nawaz Sharif’s ouster. The charge has been vehemently denied in the past by the military. The Army’s official position, as stated by ISPR Director-General Maj Gen Asif Ghafoor at a presser, has been that it has no direct involvement in the issue and the nominees of the ISI and MI participated in the JIT proceedings on the direction of the Supreme Court and contributed to their probe “diligently and honestly”.
The Army has been rightfully silent since the Supreme Court announced the verdict disqualifying the prime minister.
Social media accounts and other means of assessing the mood in the ranks hint towards a feeling of satisfaction with the Supreme Court decision. The reasons differ, however. Some believe that the former prime minister harboured ill intentions, while others say his arrogance caused his downfall. A dominant view within the forces, it is believed, is that he was too soft towards India and not adequately vocal on R&AW agent Kulbhushan Jhadav, who has been sentenced to death for espionage and terrorism. His meeting with Indian steel magnate Sajjan Jindal is something highly suspicious for them. The news leak issue, although officially settled, still seems to be playing on the minds of many.
The ranks are convinced that Mr Nawaz Sharif was ousted by the Supreme Court after a fair trial and their institution only stood behind the court to ensure the supremacy of the law and Constitution. They dismiss as PML-N narrative conspiracy talk and the reservations that the court took a very narrow view of the law. The younger cadres appear influenced by the prevailing anti-corruption sentiment in society. They think the issue is more about morals and ethics rather than a political and judicial one.
It should be remembered that the prevailing mood in the Army ranks has a strong bearing on the way the top command deals with the situation. The news leak issue is one example, in which the new leadership, despite knowing that their predecessor overplayed his hand in the case, could not step back. In an off-the-cuff comment, Army Chief Gen Qamar Bajwa, on the occasion of PM Abbasi’s oath-taking ceremony, said: “Continuation of the democratic process is good for the country.”
With deeply entrenched positions on both sides, the civil-military outlook for the near future is not very promising. The very thought of conspiracy poisons the relationship and restricts opportunities to normalize the equation. More worryingly, the ruling PML-N has no clear plan to mend fences.
Some believe that Mr Shahbaz Sharif could help ease matters, if his planned elevation materializes. Probably, they are being a little too optimistic. Those who know the junior Sharif’s nature know he can be chaotic. Mr Shahbaz Sharif believes in centralization instead of sharing and he is highly impulsive. These traits can lead to stand-offs. One ought not forget that the job of a go-between and trouble-shooter, which earned Mr Shahbaz Sharif the reputation of getting along with the Establishment, is very different from one of actually sitting in the hot seat and taking decisions.
The writer is a freelance journalist based in Islamabad and can be reached at @bokhari_mr
But, exactly by whom?
The party has literally pointed fingers at everyone linked to the Panama trial—political opponents, the judiciary, the military, the intelligence agencies, the JIT and international conspirators. It is, however, an open secret, who they think is behind the whole saga: the Deep State. They think the forces of the Deep State worked to undermine Nawaz Sharif’s government so as to prevent it from implementing its agenda.
The party cadres are not only clear about it, rather this belief is well entrenched in the party’s psyche, as its chief has never been able to complete his full term in the three stints since assuming office, even though party leaders have tried to be reticent about the matter.
Newly elected Prime Minister Shahid Khaqan Abbasi, in his first media interaction after being nominated for the job by the party, feigned ignorance when asked if he suspected the military’s involvement, although he could have outrightly rejected the conspiracy theory. He said “such matters were the domain of the prime minister” and he was only a petroleum minister in the cabinet. It is difficult to accept his explanation because as one of the elder Sharif’s close confidante, he was part of the internal consultations when Panama Leaks were being investigated.
Another of his party colleagues and a federal minister in the Nawaz Sharif government, Khawaja Saad Rafiq, on the same day, while addressing a press conference in Lahore, gave a slightly nuanced version of the PML-N thinking when he said that no institution was involved, but some individuals were suspected. In his heart of hearts, Mr Rafiq knows the fallacy of his contention as the ‘individuals’ he is suspecting belong to institutions where no one is bigger than the institution.
Outbursts by AJK Prime Minister Raja Farooq Haider and Gilgit-Baltistan Chief Minister Hafiz Hafeezur Rehman against Mr Nawaz Sharif’s disqualification are good pointers of the anger that has been boiling up inside the party.
This fear of conspiracies being hatched against the party’s government precedes Panama Leaks and existed at the time of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf’s sit-in. However, this view crested when Mr Nawaz Sharif, after his appearance before the JIT, which was investigating money-laundering charges against his family, said: “This country has already paid dearly for conspiracies and intrigues… The time of the hidden hand is long gone; now, puppet masters can no longer play their games. I want to say a lot more, and I will say more in the days to come.” His party colleagues say Mr Nawaz Sharif, ever since moving out of PM House, has become more obsessed with the conspiracy element, especially after talking to his lawyers and party aides.
Meanwhile, the party’s inner echelons are abuzz with chatter of the military orchestrating Nawaz Sharif’s ouster. The charge has been vehemently denied in the past by the military. The Army’s official position, as stated by ISPR Director-General Maj Gen Asif Ghafoor at a presser, has been that it has no direct involvement in the issue and the nominees of the ISI and MI participated in the JIT proceedings on the direction of the Supreme Court and contributed to their probe “diligently and honestly”.
The Army has been rightfully silent since the Supreme Court announced the verdict disqualifying the prime minister.
Social media accounts and other means of assessing the mood in the ranks hint towards a feeling of satisfaction with the Supreme Court decision. The reasons differ, however. Some believe that the former prime minister harboured ill intentions, while others say his arrogance caused his downfall. A dominant view within the forces, it is believed, is that he was too soft towards India and not adequately vocal on R&AW agent Kulbhushan Jhadav, who has been sentenced to death for espionage and terrorism. His meeting with Indian steel magnate Sajjan Jindal is something highly suspicious for them. The news leak issue, although officially settled, still seems to be playing on the minds of many.
The ranks are convinced that Mr Nawaz Sharif was ousted by the Supreme Court after a fair trial and their institution only stood behind the court to ensure the supremacy of the law and Constitution. They dismiss as PML-N narrative conspiracy talk and the reservations that the court took a very narrow view of the law. The younger cadres appear influenced by the prevailing anti-corruption sentiment in society. They think the issue is more about morals and ethics rather than a political and judicial one.
It should be remembered that the prevailing mood in the Army ranks has a strong bearing on the way the top command deals with the situation. The news leak issue is one example, in which the new leadership, despite knowing that their predecessor overplayed his hand in the case, could not step back. In an off-the-cuff comment, Army Chief Gen Qamar Bajwa, on the occasion of PM Abbasi’s oath-taking ceremony, said: “Continuation of the democratic process is good for the country.”
With deeply entrenched positions on both sides, the civil-military outlook for the near future is not very promising. The very thought of conspiracy poisons the relationship and restricts opportunities to normalize the equation. More worryingly, the ruling PML-N has no clear plan to mend fences.
Some believe that Mr Shahbaz Sharif could help ease matters, if his planned elevation materializes. Probably, they are being a little too optimistic. Those who know the junior Sharif’s nature know he can be chaotic. Mr Shahbaz Sharif believes in centralization instead of sharing and he is highly impulsive. These traits can lead to stand-offs. One ought not forget that the job of a go-between and trouble-shooter, which earned Mr Shahbaz Sharif the reputation of getting along with the Establishment, is very different from one of actually sitting in the hot seat and taking decisions.
The writer is a freelance journalist based in Islamabad and can be reached at @bokhari_mr